Part I
Childrenās ideas about life and living processes
Chapter 1
Living things
THE CONCEPT OF āLIVINGā
Research on childrenās ideas of ālivingā has been in progress since the 1920s. However, we can define ālivingā by contrasting living things either with inanimate objects or with dead organisms and these alternatives have not always been distinguished in the research.
The pioneering studies on childrenās ideas of ālivingā were carried out by Piaget1 who observed that children tend to regard many inanimate objects as capable of sensations, emotions and intentions. He called this view āanimismā. Young children said that such things as the sun, cars, the wind, clocks and fires āknow where they areā and could āfeel a pinprickā. When asked what is and is not alive, they judged these same objects to be alive. Piaget showed that children younger than 10 years old tend to interpret physical phenomena in terms of intention on the part of inanimate objects, saying, for example, āthe sun is hot because it wants to make people warmā. He identified five stages in the development of the ālife conceptā in children:
ā¢ | Stage 0 (age 0ā5) | No concept. |
ā¢ | Stage 1 (age 6ā7) | Things that are active in any way, including falling or making a noise, are deemed alive. |
ā¢ | Stage 2 (age 8ā9) | All things that move, and only those, are deemed alive. |
ā¢ | Stage 3 (age 9ā11) | Things that appear to move by themselves, including rivers and the sun, are deemed alive. |
ā¢ | Stage 4 (over 11) | Adult concept: only animals are deemed alive, or animals and plants are deemed alive. |
Carey2 suggests that progression in the concept of ālivingā is linked to the childās developing conceptual framework about biological processes, given that young children (4ā7 years) have little biological knowledge, but there is a marked increase by the ages of 9 and 10. Younger children therefore explain bodily functions of living things and the activity of inanimate objects using a ānaĆÆve psychologyā of human behaviour rather than concepts of biological function. This ānaĆÆve psychologyā is characterised by intentional causal reasoning in the childās explanations, for example: āspinach makes Popeye strong because he likes itā, āthe sun shines in order to keep us warmā. As the biological knowledge of the child grows, the idea of biological function develops apart from human intentional causality and animistic reasoning declines.
Piagetās work prompted a number of other studies, in various countries and cultures, and an extensive literature on childhood animism. In 1969 Looft and Bartz3 reviewed the literature from which it emerges that animistic notions are present in populations of all age ranges and great cultural differences. A recent study by Inagaki and Hatano4 suggests that young children use animism metaphorically as a model to explain phenomena, rather than believing that inanimate objects reason like human beings.
The words ālivingā and ālifeā may label different concepts. Klingberg, reported by Looft and Bartz,3 found that the question āIs (a certain object) living?ā produced different responses from the question āHas it life?ā These semantic distinctions have not always been acknowledged in designing research studies and they have given rise to much discussion of their effect on results.
Research in the 1970s attempted to delve into the biological criteria that children use in deciding whether something is alive. Smeets5 found that 11-year-old children used biological words in criteria for things that they considered as living, but that they did not distinguish the meanings of these words from similar ones. For example, the majority of children seemed to consider the following pairs of words identical in meaning: destruction and dying, seeing and knowing, contact and feeling, presence of ears and hearing, production of noise and talking, expanding and growing.
Looft6 reports that although thirty-nine out of fifty-nine 7-year-old children correctly classified sixteen items as living or non-living, this ability is not indicative of a biological grasp of the implications of the life concept. Over half of the thirty-nine understood the need for nutriment, but few applied a concept of breathing or of reproduction in defining living things, even when asked questions such as, āDoes a frog breathe or need air?ā
Bell (formerly Stead)7 8 9 has pointed out that commonly used words such as ālivingā, ādeadā and āanimalā may be used to label different concepts by different people. She found that all but one of her sample of 9- to 15-year-olds used biologically accepted characteristics of life to justify their categorisation of examples as living things. Many used a combination of these attributes. However, she reports that only five out of thirty-two pupils had a concept of living similar to that of a biologist, despite up to four years of formal biology teaching. Most children over-extended the scientifically-accepted concept of living: they considered fire, clouds, the sun, a candle, a river and a car to be living. This usually resulted from the use of only one or a few critical attributes; for example, āA cloud is living because it movesā. Some pupils considered that an item such as a bicycle could be living at some times and non-living at other times. Many pupils acknowledged that they were unsure of their categorisations.
Arnold and Simpson10 investigated the concept of living things amongst Scottish pupils aged 10ā15, including biology and non-biology students. All the pupils could use the term āliving thingā in context and could give appropriate examples, but in classifying eighteen examples and non-examples of living things there was no steady improvement from age 10ā15, and non-biology certificate pupils performed better than biology pupils. Of the non-certificate (lower attaining) pupils aged 15, 28 per cent included at least one of the following as living: fire, milk, water, cloud, energy, car. Only 9 per cent correctly classified all eighteen items. The four most popular attributes chosen to identify living things were eating/drinking, moving/walking, breathing, growing. Only 36 per cent of 14- to 15-year-olds included respiration as a criterion of life although many had studied biology. Arnold and Simpson recommend a focus upon the unity of living things through attention to their characteristics. Leach et al. confirm these findings.11 These researchers found that a few infant children were unfamiliar with the word āaliveā. When they did recognise the word, most children at this age, and many up to 11, did not consider plants to be alive.
The results of Stavy and Wax,12 from a study of children aged 5ā16 in Israel, are similar. They found that almost all children recognised animal examples as living, but only 30 per cent of 6-year-olds, and 70ā80 per cent of 12- to 15-year-olds regarded particular plants as living. Almost all the children attributed growth to plants, but apparently did not consider this a prerequisite of life: 100 per cent of 8- to 11-year-olds stated that plants grow but only 69 per cent of them regarded plants as living. Stavy and Wax attribute their results in part to the Hebrew language, where the word for ālifeā is similar to that for āanimalā, but not to that for āplantā. Also the words for āgrowthā and ādeathā in animals are different from those applied to plants.
Tamir et al.,13 studying 424 Israeli pupils aged 8ā14, also found that there was no significant difference with age in childrenās ability to classify sixteen pictures as living or non-living. Over 99 per cent of the children classified all the animal pictures as living and 82 per cent of the responses correctly classified the plant illustrations as living, with the tree and the mushroom considered alive less frequently than the herbaceous plant. Moreover, 80 per cent of responses classified inanimate examples as non-living, with natural things like a river or the sun more frequently being considered alive than man-made objects. (Overall, 20 per cent of item responses were incorrect and this may represent far more than 20 per cent of individual children failing to classify correctly at least one item.) Responses about embryos were interesting: only half the children considered eggs to be alive whereas 60 per cent classified seeds as alive.
A progression from the ideas of the younger to those of the older students was apparent in the criteria they gave for classifying examples. Overall, the most popular criteria as indicators of life were movement for animals, and growth and development for plants and embryos. About half the reasons were based on life processes with more emphasis on biological processes and less on usefulness to man by the older children. Most of the children who classified inanimate items as alive believed that they have a different kind of life and about half thought that plants have a different ...