I have determined to examine the concept of debt. But how do we examine a concept? An attractive choice is to begin with the use of the various words associated with it. Speaking and thinking being so closely related, perhaps we can discover something about the concept of debt by seeing how the word âdebtâ and related terms tend to be used.
It is obvious, however, that our use of âdebtâ is far from univocal. One does not admit to owing a debt of gratitude the same sense as one admits to owing a mortgage. Nor does the difference lie only in what is owed. Rather, in each case what it means to owe is different. In the first case, for example, the admission of owing grounds only the expectation that the debt will be acknowledged. In the latter case it is expected that the debt will be settled. To ask somebody to cancel a debt of gratitude now that youâve provided some means of settlement, whatever this might be, would indicate that you didnât understand what a debt of gratitude was. A comparable lack of understanding would be shown were you to expect a banker to be fully satisfied by frequent public acknowledgements of your outstanding mortgage.
Nor, again, does the difference just follow from the fact that what is owed in one case is money. Philippe RospabĂ©âs book, La dette de vie, provides many examples of societies in which something at least externally resembling money, known sometimes as wergeld, was used in relation to debts. According to RospabĂ©, however, it was never used to settle them. Rather, the giving of money-tokens was a symbolic acknowledgement of a debt that could never be settled. This kind of debt was usually incurred by marrying a woman and taking her out of her community or killing a member of another group and thus incurring a âblood debtâ. Such debts, like the debt of gratitude, could not be settled. They were life debts: âThe ⊠payments are never equivalent to the lives taken. ⊠In both cases, the payment is the recognition of a life debt.â 1 Indeed, the English word âpayâ (and the French word âpayerâ â RospabĂ© is writing in French) comes from âpacifyâ â to make peace.
One might object that what happens in such societies, so different from our own, ought not to inform our understanding of the concept of debt as it works in our own society. Indeed, RospabĂ© himself notes that: âFar from being the rudimentary prefigurations of our modern money, the precious goods that circulate in savage [sic] societies introduce us to a world totally disjoined from that of market goods.â 2 Yet we should be very careful of disjoining these worlds entirely. David Graeberâs Debt: The First 5000 Years tells a compelling story about how this kind of money â a symbolic means of acknowledging debts â was converted into a means of settling them. The key element in the transformation was the slave trade, which turned life debts into life purchases. 3 But the sad details are not important here. What is important is this: to the extent that there is continuity between what RospabĂ© calls âprimitive moneyâ and our own money, with its debt-settling capacity, the mere use of money alone cannot be sufficient to distinguish between the sense of âdebtâ in which it demands acknowledgement and that in which it demands settlement. And there are almost certainly more senses besides these two.
Here one might be content to disambiguate the various senses in which the term is used. One might then individually investigate its use in each sense. But this would be to assume that the term is not sometimes used in multiple senses at once, perhaps exploiting the ambiguity among them to achieve a distinct purpose. That assumption is unwarranted â indeed weâll see that it is false. Since meaning is revealed through use, disambiguating a term canât be the right way to understand its meaning where common usage exploits the ambiguity.
Notes
- Philippe RospabĂ©, La dette de vie. Aux origines de la monnaie (Paris: La DĂ©couverte, 1995) 34. RospabĂ©, it must be noted, is here partly rejecting what Mark Peacock calls âthe âorthodox interpretationâ of wergeldâ, according to which âpayment of these fines by the perpetrator to the victim (or the victimâs family) is understood as adequate compensation and, by accepting it, the victim or the victimâs family divests itself of the right to retaliateâ. â Mark Peacock, Introducing Money, ed. Tony Lawson, Economics as Social Theory (Milton Park: Routledge, 2013) 106. This âorthodoxâ interpretation was proposed by Grierson â Philip Grierson, The Origins of Money (London: Athlone, 1977). RospabĂ© would, I think, agree that one divests oneself of the right to retaliate by accepting wergeld; he would deny, however, that it should therefore be understood as adequate compensation to the victim. His interpretation is probably closer to that of Bernard Laum. See Bernard Laum, Heiliges Geld: eine historische Unterschung âber den sakralen Ursprung des Geldes (Tâbingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1924) ch.2, Peacock, Introducing Money 111â12.
- Rospabé, Dette de vie 241.
- David Graeber, Debt: The First 5,000 Years (New York: Melville House, 2011) 137â44 and ff.
Digging pa st usage and into etymology brings up further mysteries. The most obvious root of the English word âdebtâ is the Latin âdebitumâ, from âdebereâ. âDebereâ can be translated âto be obligedâ. Certainly the link between âobligationâ, âoweâ, and âoughtâ is apparent enough, though there is another important etymological strain in âoweâ that will be examined below. The words âdueâ and âdutyâ arise also from âdebitumâ. This all suggests that âdebtâ might, in its canonical usage, have a principally moral sense: when you owe someone something, you ought to give it; it is perhaps even your duty to do so. This is not merely a feature of English and Latin; it holds for Indo-European languages generally: âIn Armenian âparkt,â âdebt,â designates also âobligationâ in general ⊠just like German Schuld.â 1
What is also striking is that âdebitumâ is a past participle. This, as R.G. Collingwood notes, implies âa past act of incurring the debtâ. 2 A typical debt-incurring act might be borrowing something from a neighbour and promising to return it. Most people would agree that this usually places one under an obligation to do as one has promised. But what sort of obligation? A moral obligation? Platoâs Socrates raises a problem with this theory when it is proposed in the Republic. He gives a single example: suppose that you have borrowed a weapon from your neighbour, promising to return it on demand. This is the very model of what in the Preface I called the âclose-to-home caseâ. Socrates asks us to suppose that in the meantime the neighbour has become dangerously insane. Now he demands his weapon back. Honouring the promise is now not obviously the right thing to do. 3 Socrates claims that returning the weapon to an insane neighbour would in some way be doing him harm. Perhaps it would place him in danger. Or perhaps he would use the weapon to do bad things, and the notion that doing bad things is always ultimately a kind of self-harm is one of the glories of Socratesâs moral philosophy (at least as Plato portrays Socrates). Thus for you to return the weapon is to visit harm upon one who has been generous to you; this is palpably unjust, and it is difficult to see why you should be nevertheless morally obliged to do it.
The context of the conversation is as follows: Socrates is interrogating the traditional view, initially endorsed by Cephalus that justice consists of always returning what one owes. He raises the above problem case. Cephalus agrees that this is a problem but has no time to reply. He appoints his son, Polemarchus, to reply in his place. Polemarchus does so by claiming that what was really meant was not that justice means always returning what one has borrowed. Rather, justice means always returning to people what is actually due to them. Thus a person who has kindly loaned me a weapon is due kindness, not a weapon as such. If circumstances are such that returning the weapon would be unkind, then I owe no weapon; I must think of something else, something kind to do to repay the original act of generosity. But this means that what one owes depends in no direct way upon what has been lent. We canât use knowledge of what we have borrowed from people in order to work out what our duties to them are. We must know other things â what is kind, what is generous, what is an equivalent kindness, and so on.
At this point the notion of debt is simply dropped from the discussion, to be replaced by general notions of fairness and duty. The distinguishing feature of a debt, that it is incurred by some past act of borrowing, is replaced by the condition, stated by Polemarchus, that kindness is owed to friends and harm to enemies. But âowedâ here refers merely to duty; if one preferred, one could leave out the words âoweâ and âdebtâ altogether and speak only of duty and obligation. The upshot is that a duty canât be the same thing as a debt fixed by some prior act of borrowing. Subsequently to that debt-fixing act, circumstances may change so that a friend becomes an enemy, or (as with the insane neighbour) what would have been kindness becomes harmfulness.
The initial plausibility of the original suggestion â that justice means returning what one has borrowed â no doubt arises partly from the fact that the Greek word âáœÏΔÎčλΟâ, like âdebitumâ, can be used to mean, among other things, both âdebtâ and âdutyâ. Socratesâ thesis amounts to the claim that there are duties determined on principles of justice but there are no debts in Collingwoodâs sense â duties that arise entirely and unqualifiedly from some prior act of borrowing. Cephalusâ mistake was to suppose that since âdutyâ is the same word as âdebtâ, one could work out what oneâs duties are by thinking about debts, and further decide what oneâs debts are by thinking about what one has borrowed. But Socratesâ example is enough to show that if one wishes to know what one genuinely owes to somebody, what matters is not what one has borrowed from her. It must, rather, hang upon oneâs obligations of kindness, fairness, generosity, and so on. To know what you owe, you must first have a sense of how you ought generally to behave; debt is understood via duty rather than the other way around.
Notes
- Ămile Benveniste, Problems in General Linguistics (Coral Gables: University of Miami Press, 1971) 147.
- R. G. Collingwood, The New Leviathan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1947) 17.12.
- Plato, The Republic, trans. H. D. P. Lee and M. S. Lane, 2nd ed. (London: Penguin, 2007) 331c.
There are also theological overtones to the language of debt. In many Indo-European languages the terms used for debt are often the same as those used for sin and guilt. 1 âSchuldâ in German is a commonly cited example (connected also to the English word âshouldâ). 2 Since that word means both âdebtâ and âsinâ, settling a debt comes to sound like an act of atonement. Still, if duty, or atonement for sin, were really simply the same thing as debt, the question âshould one always pay oneâs debts?â would be as trivial as the question âshould one always do what one should do?â or the â to a certain kind of believer â no less trivial question: âshould one always atone for oneâs sins?â
Backed by the mysteriously irresistible force of religious injunction, the idea that not repaying oneâs debts is sinful, rather than merely wrong, is capable of overcoming the resistance of Socratesâ counterexample. Returning a sword to an insane neighbour may not be kind, and it may be an action from which harm will follow. But who are we to say whether or not divine law might sometimes bid us cause harm or act unkindly? If divine law rules it sinful not to pay oneâs debts, and if one feels the force of divine injunction above all else, then oneâs moral attitudes towards the likely outcome of avoiding sin donât matter. One had better ignore oneâs human feelings and defer to the infinite wisdom of divinity.
Peter Geach has an intriguing article on Platoâs Euthyphro, developing this line of thought. 3 There he argues, contrary to Socrates in that dialogue, that blind obedience to the divinity â indeed the worship of divine power â is necessary for true virtue. His argument is based on the premise that true virtue involves a genuine incapacity to violate the rules of virtue (whatever these might be). The following analogy might help to explain this. An actor playing George V in a historical drama may choose to act as much like George V as he is capable of doing. But George V himself doesnât need to choose to act like himself; he acts like himself because he is himself. Likewise, one may at every moment willingly follow the rules of virtue, but then one is still merely playing at virtue. The truly virtuous person doesnât need to follow any rules; the rules are rather simply the way she acts. Virtue flows from her nature rather than requiring any conscious commitment to rules. 4 To quote Gilbert Ryle: âas a person who looks much at his spectacles betrays that he has difficulties in look...