Part I
Identities 1
Indigenous American Literature
The Inter-American Hemispheric Perspective
Earl E. Fitz
In the early decades of the twenty-first century, indigenous American literature can be read in a number of ways. Virtually all the nations of the Americas can claim a Native American literary and cultural heritage, and in many, if not all, of these modern nation-states this heritage lives on, becoming, finally, the common denominator of our multiple American identities. One can, for example, study the Native American cultural experience in Canada (and in both its French and English language traditions), the United States, Spanish America (in all its diversity), the Caribbean, and Brazil. Today, however, one of the most fruitful ways of reading indigenous American literature is comparatively, as separate, distinct components of a larger cultural phenomenon, and from the hemispheric, or inter-American, perspective. Indigenous American literature can, in fact, be said to constitute the very foundation of inter-American literary and cultural study (see Fitz).
Most anthropologists believe that the first Americans were Asians who, pursuing the animals that sustained their lives, crossed the Bering land bridge between 20,000 and 40,000 years ago. Another, less widely accepted, theory posits that the first Americans were Pacific islanders who discovered the American land mass by sailing eastward. And a still newer idea holds that a vast ice sheet once connected southwestern Europe to the Americas and so allowed people to make the trip on foot. Clearly, the origin of the First Americans remains shrouded in mystery. Nevertheless, we do know that the Americas, from the northern reaches of Canada to the southernmost tip of South America, and from the eastern shores of the long American coastline to its rugged western coast, were completely peopled by the momentous (and, for some, catastrophic) year, 1492, and the arrival of the first European conquerors. When Christopher Columbus, a Genoese sailing under the flag of Spain, dropped anchor off a Caribbean island he mistakenly believed lay just off the coast of India, he had no way of knowing that he had stumbled onto a vast and geographically varied land mass.1 Nor could he have known that the world he had just entered was culturally diverse and that it contained some twenty million people who spoke some 2,000 different languages, many of which are still spoken today.2 The people he first encountered there, the peaceful Tainos, would, for example, tell him of another people, the fierce, cannibalistic Caribs, who lived to the south.3 Because, as a man of his time, he was trained to regard the Tainos and the Caribs as âsavages,â Columbus concluded that âthey were fit to be made slaves,â according to the Aristotelian doctrine so popular then. âIn a single letter,â as Emir RodrĂguez Monegal points out, âColumbusâ laid out âthe future of the New World: discovery, conversion, and conquest were all one for himâ (4). The profound and too often bloody clash of cultures that resulted from this first encounter, which was based on the deliberate and systematic subjugation of one group by another, set in motion waves of conflict, violence, and tension that continue to challenge our hemispheric sense of identity and justice to this very day.4
There was, in 1492, an astonishing diversity among the thousands of different Native American peoples who lived in the Americas, some of whom knew each other and some of whom did not. As Alistair Cooke puts it:
There were Indian societies that dwelt in permanent settlements, and others that wandered; some were wholly democratic, others had very rigid class systems based on property. Some were ruled by gods carried around on litters, some had judicial systems, to some the only known punishment was torture. Some lived in caves, others in tepees of bison skins, others in cabins. There were tribes ruled by warriors or by women, by sacred elders or by councils, or by fraternities whose rituals and membership were as unknown to the rest of the tribe as those of any college secret society. There were tribes who worshiped the bison or a matriarch or the maize they lived on. There were tribes that had never heard of war, and there were tribes debauched by centuries of fighting.
(24â25)
In short, what Columbus and his men stumbled into in 1492 was a cultural complexity more fantastic than anything they could have ever imagined. Moreover, what they regarded as the âNew Worldâ was already an ancient world to the millions of people who lived here.
While we cannot say with any degree of certainty what the literature of these âFirst Peoplesâ was like, we can conjecture that it was both oral in nature and deeply integrated into the larger culture that spawned it (see Ong). To a degree, we can think of it as an example of indigenous American performance art, one that, encompassing what we know today as North, Central, and South America, must have included such forms as music and song, dance, and a multitude of different language uses, from the religious to the historical and from the inventive, or âliterary,â to the very pragmatic. Working in the 1880s, American ethnographer, Daniel Brinton was âamong the firstâ to consider âindigenous American cultural expression as literatureâ (Adorno 35). Though the historical, cultural, and anthropological value of Native American cultural production was well established, the notion that it would have also possessed a deliberately creative and philosophic dimension, âthe literary conceptualizationâ of indigenous America, has been a more recent development (Adorno 36). The more one delves into it, the more this early, pre-Columbian American literature reveals itself to have been rich, complex, and socially vital, the kind of art, or cultural production, that held a people together, that created its identity by recounting its history, and that showed it the way forward and how its future might be determined.
Arguably the first piece of indigenous American literature that we know to be authentically indigenous in nature (as opposed to being the hybrid product of the imposition5 of a European culture on an autochthonous one),6 the Rabinal Achi offers us a glimpse into a distant and largely lost American past. It is, therefore, of particular importance to those who wish to know more about the nature of literature and culture in the Americas before the arrival of the Spanish, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the French, and the English. Like the ancient Egyptians, the Mayans had books with hieroglyphic figures, but nearly all of these were destroyed by the zealously religious Spanish or by the ravages of time and weather (Imbert & Florit 2). Involving long, cadenced, and often parallel speeches (Tedlock 16â17), masks, dance, and elaborately ritualized action, the Rabinal Achi (or âMan of Rabinalâ) offers us a Native American, and specifically Maya Kâicheâ (the most widely spoken of the several Mayan languages) or, possibly, Maya Achi (Tedlock 5), take on a timeless and tragic theme: How two great warriors, once allies, are cast, by fate, into a situation where one of them, the defender of an established but fading order, must execute the other, now judged to be a renegade. Unique for having been originally composed long before the Spaniards first arrived, for dealing with Mayan historical issues still more remote, and for still being performed, even today, in a Mayan language, this play stands as a fascinating example of how sophisticated, in thought and expression, indigenous American literature could be (Tedlock 1â2, 5). To study Rabinal Achi is to understand how Native American literature has never left us, how it serves as our oldest common denominator, and how it is both ancient and modern, as alive and vital as its most recent presentation in the highlands of todayâs Guatemala.
Closely related, linguistically and culturally, to the Rabinal Achi is another immensely important pre-Columbian text, the Popol Vuh, a creation story that gives us the Mayan version of how men and women came to exist and live on the earth. The original manuscript has been lost. What we have to work with today is the translation to Spanish done by Father Francisco XimĂ©mez. This means that what, in the process of translation, was modified, altered, or simply deleted from or added to the original text cannot be determined. Thus it is that, when we read the Spanish translation called the Popol Vuh, we must remember that we are not reading the original but only an approximation, the nature of which is determined not by the original authors or singers but by a translator whose linguistic skills, intentionality, and fidelity to the intent and style of the original are (for religious and cultural reasons) open to question. This situation is true of all translation work, but it is especially acute here, where a serious religious clash is involved. Although it touches on many things, at bottom the Popol Vuh relates the stories of how the gods decided to create human beings (who would honor them) and how the sacred twins, HunahpĂș and IxbalanquĂ©, would be conceived in the womb of the virgin mother, Ixquic (Imbert & Florit 3). Although a few other texts of this same nature (translations of lost oral originals or Spanish or Latin copies of copies), the Popol Vuh even in translation deserves its ranking as one of the most revealing and complete texts we have of our fascinating pre-Columbian world.7
Of the several European powers that came to the New World in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century, it was the Spanish who encountered indigenous civilizations so sophisticated, complex, and advanced that they rivaled and in many ways surpassed the European civilizations to which they were compared. Chronicler, historian, and eye-witness to the events he recorded, Bernal DĂaz recounts, for example, how dazzled he and his compatriots were at discovering the splendor of the Aztec city, TenochtitlĂĄn, which, in 1519, probably enjoyed a population of somewhere around a half-million persons, and this at a time when âLondon had no more than forty thousandâ inhabitants and Paris could boast only âsixty-five thousandâ (von Hagen 134). The Aztec citadel was, as anthropologist Victor von Hagen writes, âone of the worldâs largest citiesâ (133), as well as one of its cleanest, best planned, and most beautiful. As the Spanish soldiers, seeking an audience with the Aztec emperor, Moctezuma, entered TenochtitlĂĄn on 8 November 1519, they could hardly believe what they were seeing, such was the grandeur of the Aztec capital, which had been erected in the middle of a great lake. Even in translation, the modern reader can still feel the awe of the Spanish soldiers as they gazed upon the wonder that was TenochtitlĂĄn. As Bernal DĂaz writes (via his translator, John Cohen):
We were astounded. These great towns and cues and buildings rising from the water, all made of stone, seemed like an enchanted vision from the tale of Amadis. Indeed, some of our soldiers asked whether it was not all a dream. ⊠It was all so wonderful that I do not know how to describe this first glimpse of things never heard of, seen or dreamed of before. ⊠With such wonderful sights to gaze on we did not know what to say, or if this was real that we saw before our eyes.
(214, 216)
While the Portuguese, the French, the Dutch, and the English all made contact with Native American people whose cultures had served them well for countless generations but who were nevertheless warred against, only the Spanish would experience the extraordinary societies of the Aztecs (in central and southern Mexico), the Maya (in southeastern Mexico and Guatemala), and the Inca (in Peru and along the Andean mountain chain). These three indigenous civilizations were brilliant, and, as their records show, the Spanish conquistadores marveled at what they were seeing. And, sadly, at what they felt compelled to destroy.8
Of the many narratives, poems, and dramas that resulted from the tremendous clash of worlds that was the Spanish invasion of the New World, none is more dramatic than Bernal DĂazâs riveting account of the Spanish conquest of the great Aztec empire in Mexico, The Conquest of New Spain.9 The power of this text derives from its being a first-hand account of the struggle for control of Mexico by an actual participant in the fierce hand-to-hand combat that characterized this conflict (1519â1521), the first of a series in which a European power would find and crush an indigenous New World people. While the Aztecs held a significant numerical advantage and were fighting for their homeland and way of life, the Spanish, led by their commander, HernĂĄn CortĂ©s, had access to horses, armor, and superior military technology, and, in the end, these factors would turn the tide of battle in their favor.10 As would their ability to turn people enslaved by the Aztecs against them in an ever-growing revolt rising up to challenge this powerful, vast, and closely controlled pre-Columbian empire, which, in 1519, reigned over âseveral million human beings,â speaking a variety of languages and stretching from the âPacific Ocean to the Gulf coast and from central Mexico to the present-day Republic of Guatemalaâ (LeĂłn-Portilla xxiii). In the end, though, The Conquest of New Spain is the narrative of the winners, the Spanish, and Bernal DĂaz, who often recognizes the valor and the courage of the Aztec warriors, never doubts what he feels is the rightness of the Spanish cause.
This is why the most profitable, and moving, way to appreciate the truly gripping Bernal DĂaz account is to read it in conjunction with The Broken Spears, which tells the same story but from the perspective of the defeated Aztecs, whose language (Nahautl), history, and culture continue to live on, even today, in Mexico and forming, finally, a fundamental part of modern Mexican identity. It is an excellent example of how ancient Aztec culture, symbolized here by means of the great Aztec calendar stone, is understood by modern Mexicans as an icon of their brilliant heritage and one that integrates their past, their present, and their future. Paz, an astute and discerning commentator on the differences between Mexican and U.S. culture, has also observed that the âpossibility of belonging to a living order, even if it was at the bottom of the social pyramid, was cruelly denied to the Indians by Protestants of New England,â whereas in Spanish America, as ugly as this truth is, the Indians were recognized immediately as heathens to be converted and as a valuable labor force âthat should not be wasted,â and so had their place in the Spanish social, political, and economic structure (The Labyrinth of Solitude 101â02). âIt is often forgotten,â Paz continues, âthat to belong to the Catholic faith mean...