Advertising in Developing and Emerging Countries
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Advertising in Developing and Emerging Countries

The Economic, Political and Social Context

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eBook - ePub

Advertising in Developing and Emerging Countries

The Economic, Political and Social Context

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This indispensable study offers an in-depth analysis of advertising in developing and emerging economies as they join the global market and seek to improve the socio-economic condition of their citizens. Advertising in Developing and Emerging Countries illustrates the challenges and opportunities for advertising in these countries, and explores their critical relationship with developed economies with a multifaceted analysis of the role of advertising in an interdependent global economy. The contributors, academic and professional, with world wide experiences, examine the unique political, cultural and religious systems that affect advertising in a country, in both Western and non-Western contexts, and chart the consequences of its development from democratization to privatization to cultural hegemony. Emmanuel C. Alozie has put together an essential and unique book for scholars and students of public relations, advertising, marketing, media and international studies, as well as practitioners, those teaching and undertaking professional courses, and researchers in this critical field.

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Information

Publisher
Routledge
Year
2016
ISBN
9781317184980
Edition
1
Subtopic
Advertising
PART I Africa and the Middle East

CHAPTER 1
Advertising and Globalization: The Transmission of Culture in Nigerian Print Advertising

EMMANUEL C. ALOZIE

Introduction

The past half-century has witnessed a growth in scholarship and course offerings on topics concerning cross-cultural and international communications, the aim of which is to help individuals and businesses to understand and to deal effectively with the challenges of meeting the demands of a multicultural world (Cheng, 1997), “Where space and time have collapsed and the experience of distance imploded” (Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1991, p. 118). Despite this growing trend toward globalization, people continue to inhabit a world where cultural, economic and philosophical differences persist (Giddens, 1990).
Growing interest in this subject can be attributed to the ongoing debate concerning the role of mass communications, including advertising, as a means of cultural transmission and economic modernization. Twitchell (1997) contends that advertising plays a role in driving cultural evolution and has taken on the function of shared cultural memory. He goes on to argue that advertising has now become the bedrock of modern culture, replacing traditional sources of icons like painting, drama, music and museums, even religion.
In this era of globalization, breakthroughs in ICTs (information and communication technologies) have drawn nations closer together and have enabled producers of mass media artifacts rapidly to transmit their messages to a global audience. Such rapid, worldwide audience access is blamed for superimposing the values of developed nations onto developing regions because developing nations are dependent on the developed world for technical support, capital, program content and mass media advertising systems (Schiller, 1969/1992; Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1991; Sussman, 1997).
However, Fortner (1993) contends that the notion of media cultural imperialism and dependency remains questionable because the amount of cultural products (films, books, television programs, newspapers and magazines) exported from the core nations to developing nations is minimal and insignificant, making it difficult for the West to exert a great deal of influence on Third World audiences as critics allege. Fortner cites UNESCO figures that indicate the range of cultural materials (books) flowing from the developed to developing nations range from 6.2 percent to 12.7 percent. He observes that the same could be said of films and television programming and other communication-oriented materials. Yet, it is revealing to note, as Fortner explained, that the UNESCO study “did confirm the almost nonexistent South-to-North trading in media commodities” (p. 202). Despite this observation, Fortner concluded, “it hardly suggested that developed nations were swamping the developing nations with cultural products” (p. 202).
Leibes and Katz (1990) agree. They point out that meaning is not planted in Western programming that flows to the Third World; rather, meaning is created and influenced on the basis of cultural values and philosophical orientations existing in a specific society. They also argue that the flow of capital, equipment and program content from the core to developed nations relates to demands and assistance, and is not achieved through coercion (Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1991).
On the other hand, critics point out that since their introduction mass media outlets and consumers, as well as governments in developing countries, have and are becoming increasingly reliant on Western mass media sources for information, entertainment and advertising (Uche, 1988 and 1994; Schiller, 1969/1992 and 1998). This is especially true in this era of globalization because of structural policies initiated and maintained by core nations through supra-national organizations and international treaties (Schiller, 1998; Uche, 1994; Thussu, 2000; McPhail, 2002). When programming comes from local sources, it is laden with Western values, because Western corporations serve as the source of revenue for the constantly financially strapped mass media in the developing world (Schiller, 1969/1992; Mattelart, 1979 and 1991; Domatob, 1988). It should be noted that Africans have never viewed their cultures as inferior to Western culture (Oladipo, 1995).
Schiller (1991) and Compaine and Gomery (2000) argue that, if advertisers are able to influence the contents and framing of news and other events in a developed nation such as the United States, how much greater must their influence be in countries where an infant and unsophisticated mass media relies on multinational corporations for a large portion of advertising revenue. In the developing world, advertisers exert undue influence on both private and public mass media because of their dependence on them for revenue—this is especially true of multinational corporations that dominate the economic landscape. Domatob (1988) describes that domination as “neo-colonialism” which emanates from the organizational, political, economic, technical and financial superiority of one group over the other. Western corporations as well as mass media organizations, transnational advertising and public relations agencies have been accused of using these superior capabilities to undermine the growth and development of African and other Third World socioeconomic and cultural institutions (Anderson, 1984; Tsao, 1996; Schiller, 1969/1992 and 1998).

Significance of the Study

In spite of this debate, few studies have been conducted to examine the values, messages, and context manifested in advertising in Africa, to see if they reflect the prevailing socioeconomic-and-cultural conditions in Nigeria or other African countries in the current era of globalization (Alozie, 2003a and 2003b; El Kamel, 1991; Kennan and Shoreh, 2000). In view of the neglect of Africa, this study is an attempt to bridge this analytical gap. To achieve this the study makes use of a combination of political economy and textual analysis.
Political economy was used to explore the structural and theoretical arguments surrounding international communications. While Frith’s (1997) three-stage qualitative analysis approach was used to examine the messages and values conveyed in numerous transnational consumer advertisements published in Nigerian print media between 1998 through 2000. Western multinational corporations with significant operations in Nigeria and other African countries produced the advertisements under analysis. Frith’s three-state approach involves reading the surface meanings, exploring the advertiser’s intended and unintended meanings, and finally establishing the ideological values they convey. This study explores the following questions and issues:
• What are the values, symbols and context conveyed in Nigerian advertisements?
• Do the values, symbols and context conveyed in the advertisements tell and promote products and/or services, or do they expose the social condition of Nigeria?
While using the theoretical framework of cultural imperialism, dependency, convergence and globalization, the study will attempt to flesh out the debate regarding their relevance within the current global economic circumstances.
To explore how this analysis of hundreds of Nigerian print advertisements was conducted to extract the messages, values, symbols and implications conveyed in the advertisements using Frith’s three-state approach, a detailed deconstruction of two of the advertisements used as exemplars is provided. The author chose these specific consumer advertisements as exemplars because transnational corporations produced them and they convey specific ideological and contextual values. Both advertisements appear frequently in Nigerian mass media, and very likely in other sub-Saharan African nations.
The messages and contexts found in such advertisements remain the subject of intense debate in developing countries. Critics contend transnational advertising represents an ideological vehicle employed to undermine the socioeconomic and cultural development of African nations (Anderson, 1984; Mattelart, 1991; Leiss, Kline and Jhally, 1997; Ewen, 2001). Messages conveyed in both advertisements under analysis are memorable and generate heated controversy among the public. Critics allege that multinational advertisers make false claims and import foreign values that influence consumers in the Third World (Schiller, 1969/1992 and 1998; Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1991 and 1997; Mattelart, 1991; Ewen, 2001). For example, the Sharp advertisement uses white models in a predominantly black society, relying on image, pleasure and sex to promote its electronic products. A Rothman advertisement conveys the message that smoking is a healthy activity to undertake. However, studies have shown that smoking-related diseases affect the economy adversely and can lead to death. Consequently, multinational advertisers and mass media have also been accused of undermining the cultural values of developing nations. They are also accused of distorting Third World economies by using advertising to convince consumers of the need to acquire products produced abroad and imported for sale at very high costs (Anderson, 1984; Mattelart, 1991; Ewen, 2001).
On the other hand, proponents of advertising state that advertising provides information to the public, but does not necessarily mislead or exert undue influence because consumers are rational and make rational decisions. They contend that advertising assists economic growth (Hunt, 1989; Arens, 2004). This analysis assesses the evolution of the concepts of cultural imperialism, dependency and their relationship with convergence and globalization.
THE ECONOMIC AND PRINT MEDIA CONTEXT IN NIGERIA
Economic
Nigeria has a population estimated to be about 120 million with 57 percent of the population literate. Despite the country’s abundant natural and human resources, about 45 percent live below the poverty line. Unemployment hovers at more than 30 percent. The real per capita income stands at about 3,000 naira (Nigerian currency—since the late 1980s, the exchange rate has fluctuated between N90 and N130 to US$1). Household income or consumption by percentage share ranges from 1.6 percent for the lowest 10 percent to 40.8 percent for the highest 10 percent. Purchasing power parity in Nigeria is about $900 (Alozie, 2003a and 2003b; Abacci Atlas, 2004; International Trade Administration, US Dept. of Commerce, 2004).
Corruption, poor economic planning, political instability and dependence on oil at the expense of other economic activities are blamed for the nation’s economic woes. Despite earning more than $300 billion from oil windfalls over the past three decades, Nigeria’s foreign debt is more than $30 billion (Alozie, 2003a and 2003b; Abacci Atlas, 2004; International Trade Administration, US Dept. of Commerce, 2004).
Mass media
The modern printing press arrived in Nigeria in the early 1800s. A lack of systematic studies and poor record keeping on circulation and readership make it difficult to ascertain an accurate number for newspaper circulation and percentage of readership. Estimates of the largest dailies and weeklies range from 50,000 to 70,000 per day. Nigeria has a dynamic press and readership remains wide among the literate because of the multiplier effect where one issue is read by many people and people congregate to listen to radio and television. Thus, both print and broadcast advertisements reach a large segment of elites and the masses. Nigeria has an ample radio and television industry. Most broadcasting outlets are government-owned, but private ownership is growing. Modern avenues of communications such as the Internet and cell phones are growing because of privatization.
Advertisements constitute around 28–35 percent of the newspaper content, with privately-owned newspapers carrying a higher percentage than government-owned newspapers. Nigerian print advertising exists mainly in classified and display forms. Advertising in Nigerian magazines is not as extensive as newspaper advertising. The amount charged for various forms of print advertising is uncertain because most media outlets treat their prices as trade secrets and refuse to disclose their charges.

Advertising: Imperialism and Dependency Debates in the Information Age

European imperialism in Africa began when Magellan’s ship concluded the circumnavigation of the earth almost a century after Prince Henry the Navigator of Portugal started and successfully organized a series of African expeditions in 1814. This successful exploration allowed trade to flourish on the high seas instead of via overland routes, which were often subject to robberies, demands for tributes and other uncertainties (Mendelssohn, 1976).
EUROPEAN COLONIZATION OF AFRICA
The success of the Portuguese prompted other Europeans to engage in sea trade. British enterprises arrived in West Africa in the 1600s. Two centuries later, the British began the gradual consolidation and colonization of Nigeria for its commercial benefits and material exploitation at the expense of the political, cultural and economic welfare of the indigenous people. By 1861, formal British administration spread from the Lagos coast to the interior with the introduction of direct rule. Used in other British colonies in other parts of the world, direct rule was a system of government in which the colonizers governed the natives directly. When it was introduced in Nigeria, direct rule was unsuccessful because of the numerical inferiority of British colonial officials. The system of government was also unsuccessful because some ethnic groups in Nigeria have long-established native ruling systems and resisted foreign intervention in their affairs (Fadeiye, 1978).
The resistance compelled the British to employ its military superiority to conquer and bring various parts of Nigeria under submission. Britain completed its creation of Nigeria with the amalgamation of the north and south in 1914. The amalgamation created the Federation of Nigeria, as it exists today, a nation that “has never really been one homogenous country, for its widely differing peoples and tribes are yet to find any basis for true unity” (Madiebo, 1980, p. 3). Rupert described Nigeria and other countries the European masters left behind in Africa as “businesses—colonies meant to profit European governments and traders who controlled them” (1998, p. A18). It could be argued that this marked the beginning of cultural imperialism and economic dependency. Realizing the failure of implementing direct rule, Britain introduced indirect rule in their conquered business estates. Direction allowed the colonial administration to use established African institutions (monarchy, age groups, religious institutions and warrant chiefs) to govern a society. The natives maintained direct leadership and contact with their people, while carrying out the policies of the colonialists (Fadeiye, 1978).
Rodney (1974) argues that Africa’s current political upheaval and economic underdevelopment could be traced back to European policies of imposing their political, economic and social values on the continent. He contends that African human and natural resources were exploited for the benefit of European colonial powers. While the colonial masters used cheap African labor to extract African natural resources, most of the raw material resources were bundled out of the continent to the West where they were processed into manufactured goods for world commerce and as exports to Africa at very high prices. The structure produced a neo-colonial relationship in which Western governments and multinationals controlled the means of production and global market, thus producing an unequal association for almost a century (Baran, 1957; Rodney, 1974; Mattelart, 1979; Rupert, 1998). However, Agbango (1997) does not absolve African leaders of their failures. He observes that almost a half century after independence, most African countries suffer from chronic economic stagnation, underdevelopment, poverty, political instability and health deprivation because of the ineptness of African leaders who have failed to improve the social welfare of their people, whilst continuing to blame the imperialistic and dependent structure of their former colonial masters and the international socioeconomic system.
CULTURAL IMPERIALISM
Describing the structural theory of imperialism, Galtung (1971 and 1980) contends that inequality within and between nations exists in every aspect of human activity. The desire to maintain dominance creates resistance to change. Th...

Table of contents

  1. Cover Page
  2. Title Page
  3. Copyright Page
  4. Contents
  5. List of Figures
  6. List of Tables
  7. Contributor Biographies
  8. Introduction: Global Advertising and Values S.M. Mazharul Haque
  9. PART I AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST
  10. PART II ASIA
  11. PART III EUROPE
  12. PART IV SOUTH AMERICA
  13. PART V CROSS-CULTURAL EXPLORATION: NORTH AMERICA AND OTHERS
  14. Epilogue Is There a Common Thread in International Advertising?
  15. Index