Introduction to Stepping Up, Stepping Out
Following a similar theoretical framework as the Changing Lives and Changing Outcomes program developed by Morgan, Kroner, and Mills (2018; also part of the International Perspectives on Forensic Mental Health book series), Stepping Up, Stepping Out uses a bi-adaptive intervention model to address both mental health issues and antisocial (or criminal) patterns with the goal of reducing behavioral problems of inmates detained in restrictive housing settings, such as disciplinary segregation (DS) and administrative segregation (AS), and other types of units that limit access to resources and/or programming. Specifically, Stepping Up, Stepping Out aims to prevent inmates from remaining in and returning to long-term isolation by reducing behavioral misconducts and psychological impairment, and improving their ability to cope with prison life. Like Changing Lives and Changing Outcomes, Stepping Up, Stepping Out also uses both a psychoeducation and psychotherapeutic approach to teach and train inmates in skill acquisition. Principles of various empirically supported treatments, including Linehanâs Dialectical Behavior Therapy (1993), Hayes and colleaguesâ Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (Hayes, 2004), Mueserâs Illness Management and Recovery (2002), and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administrationâs Anger Management and Assertiveness Training (Reilly & Shopshire, 2015), are emphasized throughout. Although the program is primarily geared toward inmates with a history of more serious mental health concerns, inmates with less severe psychiatric symptoms (e.g., heightened levels of general stress, externalizing behaviors commonly associated with antisocial personality disorder, adjustment issues, problematic coping) are also appropriate candidates for program participation, perhaps with some modification to program content as determined by pre-treatment assessment results and clinical judgment. Further, this program may be used with inmates who are prone to restricted housing placements or at-risk of such placement, but not currently housed there.
Stepping Up, Stepping Out includes nine treatment modules: (1) Understanding Change and Making It Happen: An Introduction; (2) Surviving Segregation: What to Expect and How to Cope; (3) Suicide and Self-Injurious Behavior: Protecting You From You; (4) Understanding My Emotions: Identifying and Dealing With Anger, Fear, and Other Frustrating Feelings; (5) Exploring My Mental Distress and Criminalness: Where It Comes From, What It Looks Like, and How to Recognize It; (6) Managing My Mental Distress and Criminalness: Improving Functioning and Preventing Relapse; (7) Seeking Supportive Allies: Finding Helpful Others Among the Crowd; (8) Integrating âUsâ and âThemâ: Improving Inmate-Staff Relations; and (9) Road Map to Recovery: Creating Your Relapse Prevention Plan. Because Stepping Up, Stepping Out describes relatively complex psychological concepts throughout the program, a glossary of terms (eResource Appendix I) is also included to aid understanding.
The delivery of Stepping Up, Stepping Out is flexible and is intended to be implemented as a largely self-directed program, with inmates completing the handouts and exercises embedded in each module on their own with as little or as much staff contact as is available. At a minimum, it is recommended that clinicians provide written feedback following each handout to ensure completeness and understanding, and schedule in-person contact at least once per week to discuss progress or review stuck points. Although each module focuses on a specific problem area, modules are represented in a developmental progressionâthat is, basic treatment concepts and goals are discussed first, then immediate stressors related to segregation, then more global issues within the individual, and, finally, relapse prevention. None of the modules are designed as stand-alone modules; rather, broader concepts from all nine modules are integrated within each individual module to create a developmentally coherent and consistent program for inmates detained in segregated housing units.
Theoretical Rationale and Evidence Base for Stepping Up, Stepping Out
Although solitary confinement was first implemented in the late 1700s as a measure of criminal justice reform, the contemporary use of restricted housing (to include disciplinary and AS) in North American prisons and jails is a growing and controversial correctional practice. A survey out of Yale University Law School estimated that nearly 80,000 to 100,000 inmates were held in restrictive housing across the country (Liman Program & Association of State Correctional Administrators, 2015). Yet this number is likely an underestimate, as it did not include local jails, juvenile facilities, or military and immigration detention centers. Although the range of activities to which inmates have access varies depending on the facility (Suedfeld, Ramirez, Deaton, & Baker-Brown, 1982), all restricted housing units closely monitor inmate movement and limit access to mental health programing, educational and library services, religious services, personal possessions, and physical exercise (OâKeefe, 2008; Pizarro & Stenius, 2004). It is not uncommon for inmates to spend years, even decades, in these restricted units (see, for example, Goode, 2015; Landau, 2015). Typically, long-term or indefinite stays are most associated with AS. DS, on the contrary, is usually reserved for shorter-term, determinate sanctions in response to disciplinary infractions.
Efforts to better understand the impact of segregation on the well-being of inmates have been occurring for decades. To help clarify the effects of restricted housing, a team of researchers (Morgan et al., 2016) undertook two independent meta-analytic reviews in which over 40,000 search results relating to solitary confinement, protective custody, DS, and AS were identified. These researchers reported small to moderate effects across most physical, behavioral, and mental health outcomes. The largest of these effects (compared to non-segregated inmates) were for increased hostility, anxiety, hypersensitivity, general mental health functioning, and post-release criminal recidivism. Although these researchers concluded that the adverse effects of restricted placements might be over-stated, they also acknowledged two of the major limitations in the literature: (a) the limited time that study participants spent in these units (i.e., one year or less; see Coid et al., 2003; Haney, 2003; OâKeefe, Klebe, Stucker, Sturm, & Leggett, 2010; Suedfeld et al., 1982) and (b) the lack of pre-post testing to determine baseline functioning of inmates and rule out the possibility that psychological impairment and/or behavioral problems existed prior to segregated placement.
A subsequent study (Chadick, Batastini, Levulis, & Morgan, 2018), which included assessments at initial booking and at least one-year post-booking, inmates detained in AS for up to four years, and a comparison group of GP inmates, similarly concluded that AS alone did not appear to cause debilitating psychological effects. While segregated inmates reported higher levels of distress (particularly on measures of anxiety, depressed mood, posttraumatic stress, and somatic complaints) compared to the GP at post-assessment, scores did not reach the clinical cutoff. Further, inmates did not deteriorate as time in restrictive housing increased. However, compared to those in GP who showed some improvement over time, AS inmates remained relatively stable from baseline to follow-up. The authors concluded that, rather than causing significant psychological damage, it is more likely that segregation is a barrier to opportunities for continued growth. Notably, this study was limited by its small sample size (AS = 24; GP = 24) and lack of severely mentally disordered offenders (e.g., 30% had no psychiatric diagnosis at booking, and none were diagnosed with a psychotic disorder). Another study published in 2018 by Walters revealed that prison inmates with a history of mental health need were more likely to experience severe psychological consequences from restricted housing than those without such a history. However, these differences in psychological reactions also held for GP placement, suggesting that aversive outcomes for those with mental health problems may have more to do with incarceration generally than restricted housing specifically.
Although the totality of consequences for inmates placed in segregation remains unclear and likely depends on other institutional factors (e.g., staff-inmate dynamics, emphasis on punishment, physical conditions; e.g., Gendreau & Labrecque, 2015), it appears that at least small to moderate adverse effects are associated with segregation (Morgan et al., 2016; Chadick et al., 2018). Thus, correctional systems must strive to minimize the risk of inmate decompensation that could result from segregated placement. Furthermore, prevention of harm is not just an aspirational goalâit is a legal obligation. That is, correctional departments are responsible for the well-being and care (including the provision of mental health services) of inmates (Ruiz v. Estelle, 1980). Perhaps even more concerning is that inmates with preexisting and serious mental health problems tend to be over-represented in restricted units, often to contain their odd or disruptive behaviors (Haney, 2003; OâKeefe, 2007, 2008; Metzner & Fellner, 2010). The fact that inmates with mental health concerns are at greater risk for restricted placements may be the product of misguided responses to behavioral issues by untrained correctional staff and/or insufficient treatment options. Little empirical data exists regarding the additive effects of segregated placement on this high-needs and unique group, especially for those with longer placement periods. Unfortunately, the availability of mental health services in general is limited in segregation due to higher safety and security restrictions (Beven, 2005; Metzner & Fellner, 2010), and interventions that uniquely target the needs of this population are lacking. Though there is a trend in the United States to remove inmates with serious mental illnesses from segregation unitsâfollowing a number of law suits (Madrid v. Gomez, 1995; Disability Law Center v. Massachusetts Department of Corrections, 2007)âmany correctional agencies struggle to implement specialized units (e.g., Secure Treatment Programs, Behavioral Management Units) that are not simply alternative forms of restricted housing. Further, combating behavioral problems that are rooted in the cross-section between antisocial patterns and poor psychological coping remains a goal even in more treatment-oriented environments.
The few programs currently available for inmates prone to longer-term restricted placements are limited in scope and seem to address only one side of a two-sided problem. First, many mental health programs for offenders are based on the false assumption that mental distress or illness is the underlying caus...