Urban governance, data and participatory infrastructure
In the last decade the issue of governance in cities has become more complex as the nature of data flows have themselves become more integrated and city infrastructures, processes and social practices. The fundamental problem with the technocratic approach in the emergence of smart cities is that they tend to operate on a techno-deterministic logic that prioritises market-led solutions for urban development based on a promise of optimisation and efficiency of resources. Authors such as Aurigi and De Cindio (2008), Kitchin (2015; Kitchin and Perng, 2016), Marvin et al. (2016), Rose (2015) and Sassen (2012) have critiqued this approach since it not only reinforces a universalising view of urban development, but also masks the social tensions, issues and roles of its citizens in its construction and the role of the city itself. Haklay highlights how the failure of digital technologies to solve urban challenges is ‘linked to the strategy where technology is used to disenfranchise, fails to enable local knowledge, and black boxes devices and technical infrastructure’ (Haklay, 2013). The increasing role of software, data and artificial intelligence (AI) in city services and processes has implications for the governance of cities because software is embedded in often subtle and invisible ways and it produces data-driven outcomes that are not analogous with the material, physical and social life of the city. There is also the underlying issue of not only ownership of the software that ‘manages’ the city, but also consequently management and control (Luque-Ayala and Marvin, 2015; Vanolo, 2013). The high complexity of such data-driven systems means that they rarely, if ever, are developed and managed through city governance mechanisms, but controlled by private sector IT companies such as IBM, Cisco and Siemens who have vested interests well beyond those of the city itself. This leads to new forms of governmentality that rely on generating and monitoring systematic information about individuals which makes the systems and apparatus of governance more panoptical in nature (Kitchin, 2011, p. 949).
Key to this is understanding the role of data within new modes of participatory governance and what Kitchin has highlighted as the multitude ethical issues in smart cities governance. Databases and data analytics are not neutral, technical means of assembling and making sense of data but instead are socio-technical in nature, shaped by philosophical ideas and technical means (2016). In fact, the proper consideration of ethical considerations within smart city projects may prove to be one of the defining points in the development of projects on the ground, as this points to significantly more participatory and open modes of governance than are currently being implemented.
Chapters in this section are as follows:
- A city is not a computer
- Bias in urban research: from tools to environments
- Urban science: a short primer
- Defining smart cities: high and low frequency cities, big data and urban theory
- Digital information and the right to the city
- Shaping participatory public data infrastructure in the smart city: open data standards and the turn to transparency.
Governing, inclusion and smart citizens
Smart cities implement new socio-technical processes that require critical reflection around what constitutes urban management and control. They lead to new thinking about how technology affects cities where one of the key factors is that the digital is not simply about technology, computers or networks or code but about how people use, interact and behave with technology. It is through inhabitation and a context in their lives that the digital becomes meaningful. This is not simply because technology can establish different patterns of social relations and ways of living but because they can act as a potential reorganisation of social relations. This also includes patterns of inclusion and exclusion that emerge through these social relations constructed through technologies, and in particular a discussion on how those that lack digital skills and access to equipment may become excluded as cities become increasingly digital (Cardullo et al., 2019). In this context, there is an increasing body of critical analysis that looks beyond celebrative and top-down approaches to include more diverse thinking about inclusion and ‘citizenship’ within smart city initiatives (Datta, 2018; Gabrys, 2014; Rabari and Storper, 2015; Vanolo, 2013). These document how smart city agendas rarely address issues of social differences in already-existing cities and March and Ribera-Fumaz (2014, p. 826) highlight the corresponding need to respond to the question of ‘whose smartness and whose cities?’ This particularly includes cases of smart city projects in the Global South, and the various ways in which new urban technologies are used, negotiated and even subverted by citizens. In this context, a number of authors have drawn on empirical evidence for how smart city projects arguably lead to the exacerbation of existing urban historical, material and social inequalities (Odendaal, 2011; Sadoway and Shekhar, 2014; Vanolo, 2016; Wiig, 2016).
These premium and highly connected networked infrastructures often ignore less-favoured and intervening places, enabling connectivity to operate ‘selectively, linking valuable segments and discarding used up, or irrelevant, locales and people’ (Castells, 1998, p. 390). Recent work has revealed that many so-called smart technologies do not empower citizens to become active players in their cities (de Lange and de Waal, 2019). This can particularly be seen in the promotion and development of private tech-led smart city initiatives, which are typically underpinned by a focus on highly connected, highly urbanised global cities with a highly skilled workforce (Hollands, 2014). But as Hollands points out, this has the potential to lead to social polarisation and ‘the smart/creative city can become not only more economically polarized, but also socially, culturally and spatially divided by the growing contrast between incoming knowledge and creative workers, and the unskilled and IT illiterate sections of the local poorer population’ (Hollands, 2008, p. 312). Therefore, the politics and power networks that underlie smart cities are important to address in order to establish how certain groups may benefit and others, often marginalised groups, may be excluded from any benefits of smart city initiatives. Vanolo highlights how this leads to patterns of exclusion since there is ‘little room for the technologically illiterate, the poor and, in general, those who are marginalised from the smart city discourse’ (2013, p. 893). Although this work is growing, Cardullo and Kitchin highlight that there is still work to do since ‘despite the re-orientation towards creating “smart citizens” to date there has been little critical conceptual scruti...