1
Sound Out of Time: Modernityâs Echo
JONATHAN STERNE
A phonograph industry periodical no doubt hoping to amuse its readers printed this report of racial difference in the spring of 1897:
Long Island City has placed nickel in the slot machines at the train station. Lately one of these machines played the popular negro melody âAll Coons Look Alike to Meâ to a genuine Alabama coon, and those who were in the station at the time will not soon forget this little concert, although none but the coon heard a note of the music.
It was at a popular train hour and the station was thronged with people, when a typical Southern darkey sauntered into the building. A long blue frock coat, a pair of light trousers which went almost twice around him and were well fringed at the bottoms, a broad-brimmed, grease coated felt hat which had once been of a light color, and an odd pair of number 12 shoes, made up a costume which inspired a smile all âround before he had a chance to say a word or do a thing. As the boys say charcoal would have made a white mark on his face and his ears were all that stopped his mouth from going clean around his head.
Mr. Darkey jerked a huge brass watch out of one of his trouser pockets, pried the case open and compared it with the big regulator in the station. Satisfied that he had some time to while away, he began to look around and see the sights.
After a couple of turns around the station, he brought up in front of one of the phonographs. He evidently mistook the thing for a corn sheller judging from the way in which he twisted the crank, but the more he twisted the more mystified he became. At last his curiosity got the best of whatever timidity he may have had and he hailed one of the doormen, who was passing, and inquired as to the nature of the machine.
The darkeyâs big white eyes began to roll and his mouth flew open in amazement as the doorman unfolded the working plan of the machine and he decided to invest a nickel. The coin was dropped into the slot and with the trumpets jammed against his ears the Alabamian braced himself for whatever might follow. âWhir-r-râ went the machine after its usual preparatory fashion, and the darkey got a better brace. There was another whir-r-r and an idea struck him. He removed one of the trumpets from his ears and shouted into it âsing louder, I canât hear.â Then the machine began to sing and none of the crowd which was watching the darkey could be deceived as to the exact time it began. His eyes glistened and danced in their sockets. His mouth gradually spread itself all over his face. Big drops of perspiration trickled down from under his hat and way down on the floor the big shoes begin to show signs of life. Finally his whole body was in a wiggle and even the big yellow rose on his lapel seemed to have become animated also. But it was too good to last. The end came and the darkey nearly collapsed.
âSay, boss, is dat all dar is to it foâ a nickel?â he asked of the doorman.
âYes, but you can put in another and have it all over again,â answered the man in the brass buttons.
âGolly! datâs what Iâse goinâ to do,â chirped the delighted darkey, and he fished another coin out of the mysterious depths of those trousersâ pockets and fed it to the machine.
There was a repetition of the whir-r-r, a repetition of the song and a repetition of the circus for the spectators. Trains came in and trains went out but the darkey stuck to that machine. Nickel after nickel was freely fed into the greedy slot and it is not improbable that when the old brass watch ran down he was still doing a shuffle to the tune âAll Coons Look Alike to Me.â1
Moments like this might appear to be neatly contained in long trajectories of racist iconography in writing, imaging, and music. They also might appear to contemporary readersâperhaps as comfortable in their own âmodernâ sophistication as the unnamed observer in this taleâas something of a shock from the past, a kind of aberration to be gotten over. And although both reactions are to a certain degree validâwe should contextualize this description among other similar descriptions, and we should want to move beyond a brutally racist past and presentâI believe documents like this also offer another kind of historical insight. One could easily find a hundred similar racial caricatures from this moment in American middle-class culture; but this racist representation of difference is centered on the writerâs fascination with the encounter between cultural other and a phonograph. The description is framed by the perspective of a contemporary and contemplative observer, sophisticated enough to be familiar with and unsurprised by the workings of a coin-in-the-slot phonograph, and self-consciously cosmopolitan enough to notice someone elseâs lack of such familiarity. The text goes into great descriptive detailâessentially, parodying anthropological styleâexploring the listenerâs reactions, gestures, and postures. Though meant as light reading for people in the entertainment business, the article clearly bespeaks a fascination with othersâ fascination with the apparatus of sound reproduction. The roots of that fascination lie in the twisted connections between the phonograph in the story and the understanding of racial difference on which the story is based, a set of connections that this chapter retraces.
When read through the cultural history of sound reproduction, alongside the larger cultural history of racism, the phonograph in this and similar tales simultaneously referenced a certain sense of modernity for its relatively well-off, middle-class users at the turn of the twentieth century, through two related em-bodiments of time: (1) a sense of present time as objectifiable, repeatable, and exchangeable; and (2) a sense of historical time as linear and all-encompassing. As a result, early users of the phonograph could experience sound recording as both bolstering an already present self-understanding as âmodernâ (since it could be located as the latest step in a long history of technological progress) and a way of marking and containing the difference between their own self-understanding as âmodernâ and their understandings of cultural others such as African Americans or Native Americans as ânonmodern.â The extract quoted above is but one example of how the connection between the phonograph and this very particular sense of temporality in effect marked and delineated the difference between the âmodernâ and the ânonmodernâ for their readers.
Because the phonograph was so thoroughly embedded in particular cultural understandings of time by its early users, it could be experienced as moving sound out of time through a double temporal movement: first through isolating and objectifying a sound event and then through transposing it, so that the voices of the âmodernââpeople thought to be inhabiting an unavoidable futureâ could be brought to the âprimitive,â and so that the voices of the âprimitive,â ever receding into the past, could be preserved for the future listening experiences of the âmodern.â
âModernityâ here should be understood as a highly particularized construct. In this chapter, I defer the larger philosophical questions concerning âmodernityâ as an analytic or descriptive term (and leave open the question of whether you or I should or could describe something as âmodernâ) and turn instead to an analysis of modernity as a form of self-understanding manifestedâsometimes only implicitlyâin early uses and depictions of sound reproduction technology. Early users were framed as quintessentially modern and up-to-date through their use of these machines; the machines were proof of their ownersâ modernity. Commercial representations of sound reproduction technologies played to this sensibility: AT&T Long Distance signs were advertised as âthe sign board of civilizationâ; the Orthophonic Victrola was a âreally modern instrumentâ; radio receivers were âessential conveniences of modern life.â2
Yet it was not simply their status as commodities that bound up sound reproduction technologiesâ conceptualization as modern; after all, the description of a product in early twentieth-century advertisements as âmodernâ was hardly unique to sound reproduction technologies. Rather, their particular modernity was a result of the combination of bourgeois understandings of time and of the basic function of sound reproduction technologies at the turn of the twentieth century. Throughout this essay, I use the words modern and primitive to denote the understandings of âselfâ and âotherâ that were operative among middle-class users of the phonograph at the turn of the twentieth century, and not as objective descriptions of periods or people. The very concept of modernity is a social artifact susceptible to historical analysisâa project to which this chapter contributes.
The so-called modernity of sound reproduction technologies was framed through the machinesâ perceived ability to move sound out of time, and in so doing to cross over between modern and nonmodern time in the minds of those observers who considered themselves modern. Contrary to others who argue that the phonographâas a machine that âamplified and extended sound across space and/or timeâ3âbrought about a revolution in temporal sensibility in turn-of-the-century American and west European culture, I argue that early users essentially built the phonograph into the machine it was and experienced its mechanical manipulation of vibrations the way they did because of an already highly developed sense of temporality. In other words, the phonograph did not transform bourgeois senses of time. It was itself a tributary element in what Matei Calinescu (1987) calls bourgeois modernityâa culturally specific sense of time linked to middle-class self-understandings that predated sound recording and clearly informed even the most rudimentary understandings of the machineâs workings at the turn of the twentieth century.
In order to develop this thesis, this chapter first offers a brief discussion of the concepts of âmodernâ and âprimitiveâ in their historical contexts before turning to examine in turn (1) an enduring fascination with watching people who are understood as primitives listening to sound reproduction technologies and (2) the desire to preserve the voices of âprimitiveâ cultures for future, âmodernâ listeners, through the emergent practice of anthropological sound recording at the turn of the twentieth century.
Bourgeois Modernity as a Form of Self-Consciousness
I have argued thus far that although contemporaries understood the new technologies of sound reproduction as evidence or agent of those individualsâ own (and possibly othersâ) modernization, we would do better to consider sound reproduction technologies as artifacts of particular moments in culture and society. Following the work of Henri Lefebvre,4 who argues that any theory of the modern requires a critique of the ideology of the modern, in this chapter I critique the former conceptualization of sound reproductionâas agent or emblem of modernizationâvia the latter conceptualization, in the service of clearing the ground for a new theory of sound and modernity.5
Modernityâeven when used in specific reference to self-description or self-consciousnessâsuggests several different, contradictory tendencies. It is a notoriously difficult term to define. For the purposes of this essay, Matei Calinescuâs phrase bourgeois modernity best captures the sense of modernity I describe.6 This sensibility is not so much a formalized set of concepts as a practical self-understandingâ âa logic of practice,â in the words of Pierre Bourdieu.7 Bourgeois modernity is defined by the rise of middle-class self-consciousness in industrial capitalism:
The doctrine of progress, the confidence in the beneficial possibilities of science and technology, the concern with time (a measurable time, a time that can be bought and sold and therefore has, like any other commodity, a calculable equivalent in money), the cult of reason, and the ideal of freedom defined within the framework of an abstract humanism, but also the orientation toward pragmatism and the cult of action and successâall have been associated in various degrees with the battle for the modern and were kept alive and promoted as key values in the triumphant civilization established by the middle class.8
Bourgeois modernity hails the existence of a sense of the present that Jacques Attali calls âexchange timeâ: Time becomes something measurable, something that can be apprehended and felt, stockpiled, repeated, spent, saved, broken, fragmented, or mended.9 Yet this sense of the present immediately collides with linear-progressive âhistorical time, linear and irreversible, flowing irresistibly onwards.â10
Bourgeois modernity implies a temporalized understanding of cultural difference: It implies the historical superiority of âmodernâ civilization (which is generally urb...