Sexual Murder

Catathymic and Compulsive Homicides

Louis B. Schlesinger

• Publisher: CRC Press
• Year: 2003
• ISBN:
  9781135514860
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Law
• Subtopic: Criminal Law
• Index: Law

Forensic psychologist and author Louis B. Schlesinger delves deep into the minds of sexual murderers. It is a place where few dare to tread, but a necessary journey if we are to understand the motivations behind their inconceivable actions. Culminating nearly 30 years of experience analyzing sexually motivated homicides, Sexual Murder: Catathymic a

1
Understanding Sexual Murder: Problems and Approaches

The image of the sexual murderer—especially the murderer with multiple victims—has always aroused concomitant feelings of horror and fascination in the general public. Today, his exploits are graphically reported in the press and on television, in “psycho-thriller” films, and in various “true-crime” books (e.g., Rule, 1983, 1988; Ryzuk, 1994; Schechter, 1989,1990). As a result of all this attention, some sexual killers such as Ted Bundy, Jeffrey Dahmer, and the Boston Strangler, have almost become household names. Of course, sexual homicide—homicide motivated primarily by a breakthrough of underlying sexual conflicts or where the killing itself is sexually gratifying— has also been studied by behavioral scientists, sociologists, forensic specialists, and the like. Yet, in contrast to the voluminous research literature on (non-sexual) homicide from psychiatric, psychological, sociological, legal, and investigative perspectives, a solid body of scientific literature on sexual murder has not yet been accumulated.

The paucity of scientific studies is largely attributable to a number of problems that make research in the area of sexual murder very difficult. (1) There is no generally agreed upon definition of sexual homicide; instead, a number of different definitions have been offered, and different terms are used for what seems to be similar criminal behavior. (2) Many murders that appear to be sexually motivated are actually not sexually motivated. (3) Many murders that are not overtly sexual are sexually motivated. (4) The distinction between a sexual homicide and a homicide associated with sexual behavior is often blurred. (5) National or state crime statistics on the number of sexual homicides have not been kept. (6) There are a number of practical impediments to carrying out research with these offenders, such as incomplete and inaccurate background histories and the lack of interdisciplinary cooperation. Each of these obstacles, listed in Table 1.1, makes sexual murder a crime that is not only difficult to understand but also very difficult to study.

Table 1.1 Problems Encountered in the Study of Sexual Murder

1.1
The Problem of Definition and Terms

In the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), which provides annual summaries of crime statistics, homicide is defined as the willful (nonnegligent) killing of one human being by another. Deaths caused by negligence, accidents, suicide, or justifiable homicides are not categorized as murder. Level of intent (as in the legal system’s classification of homicide into first-degree and second-degree murder, manslaughter, etc.), also is not considered. The UCR definition, which is based on findings reported by police investigators, is reasonably clear-cut. It does not take into account an offender’s internal state or such issues as blame or moral responsibility. These matters, which are difficult to assess objectively, are left to lawyers, judges, mental health experts, and jurors.

The definition of sexual homicide, on the other hand, is not at all clearcut. Sexual homicide is not defined by statute as are the illegal paraphilias (such as pedophilia) and other sex crimes (such as rape); and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (in any of its editions) has never defined sexual homicide as a specific paraphilia. Moreover, inherent in the definition of sexual murder is the issue of intent, which adds to the definitional problems. For example, Ressler, Burgess, and Douglas (1988) define sexual homicide as “the killing of a person in the context of power, sexuality, and brutality” (p. 1). Almost all killings, however, involve some degree of power and brutality. How do these characteristics distinguish a sexual homicide from a nonsexual homicide? And what is the meaning of “sexuality” in this definition? Does it refer to actual sexual behavior? To render the killing a sexual murder, must there be intercourse, attempted intercourse, a desire for intercourse, or just an internal feeling of arousal? How can an investigator determine whether an offender’s arousal was sexual arousal or merely a general arousal (a heightened emotional state) felt by someone who has committed a crime and risks apprehension? In many cases a clinician will decide that a murder is a sexual murder because it appears to be a sexual murder (Prentky et al., 1989; Swigert, Farrell, and Yoels, 1976). What appears to be a sexual murder to one practitioner may appear otherwise to someone else.

Along with differences in definitions, many different terms have been used to describe sexual murder, including lust murder (Krafft-Ebing, 1886), sadistic lust murder (De River, 1958), sadistic murder (Brittain, 1970), lust killing (Malmquist, 1996), and even erotophonophilia (Money, 1990), among others (see Table 1.2). Sometimes the same term, such as lust murder, is defined differently by different authors (Hazelwood and Douglas, 1980; Krafft-Ebing, 1886).

Similar problems appear in definitions of serial murder (Egger, 1990a). Most researchers agree that serial murders are sexual murders with multiple victims (Schlesinger, 2000a). Others define serial murder literally as the killing of multiple individuals, rather than viewing the crime more narrowly as a subtype of sexual murder. For example, Dietz (1986) distinguishes five separate types of serial murderers: psychopathic sexual sadists, crime spree killers, organized crime multiple murderers, custodial prisoners and serial asphyxiators, and supposed psychotics who kill multiple victims. Only the first type is sexually motivated. In an attempt to add definitional precision, Jenkins (1988, 1989) specifically excludes politically motivated and professional contract killers, thereby adhering more to the traditional sexual view of serial murder.

These differences in terminology and definitions, although they often make communication regarding the meaning of findings difficult, are to be expected in the early stages of a developing area of inquiry.

1.2
Many Seemingly Sexual Murders Are Not Sexually Motivated

In cases where there is an overt manifestation of genitality (e.g., a woman’s genitals are cut out or mutilated), a determination that the murder is a sexual murder would seem warranted. However, a closer examination reveals that many of these cases are not always that straightforward, and in some instances the conclusion that the crime is a sexual murder is incorrect. Consider, for example, a person who responds to auditory hallucinations commanding him to kill women and cut out their genitals in order, perhaps, to save the world. Should a murder of this type be considered a sexual murder? There is certainly a sexual element to the offender’s delusions, possibly stemming from underlying sexual disturbance, but the primary motivation for the homicide is a response to a psychosis.

The notorious and complex case of Richard Trenton Chase, dubbed the “Vampire Killer” (Ressler and Schachtman, 1992), is an example. Chase had a delusion that his blood was evaporating and that he therefore needed to drink the blood of others in order to continue to live. Following his release from a convalescent center (where he was sent after killing small animals and drinking their blood), he began breaking into homes in order to obtain human blood and hence preserve his life. Chase wound up killing ten people in response to this delusional belief, as well as to auditory hallucinations commanding him to kill. His behavior was consistent with, and an outgrowth of, his obvious psychosis. Ressler and Shachtman (1992) considered Chase a serial sexual murderer mainly because some of his female victims had been subjected to genital mutilation. However, Chase also killed without evidence of sexual motivation. For example, he killed a 22-month-old infant by shooting him in the head—behavior atypical of a sexual murderer. He also killed men, a child, and animals. There was undoubtedly a sexual element in this complicated case, but the main impetus for the homicides appears to have been a response to a psychosis. It is likely that multiple motives were operative with Chase: both a psychosis and perhaps a secondary sexual component. Without the psychosis, it is doubtful Chase would have killed.

Table 1.2 Various Terms, Descriptions, and Definitions of Sexual Murder

1.3 Many Sexual Homicides Are Not Overtly Sexual

Many attacks and murders that appear on the surface to be motivated by monetary gain may, in fact, be sexually motivated, although the sexual dynamics are covert (Schlesinger and Revitch, 1997b). Revitch (1957) first reported the case of a man who attacked a woman with a blackjack and was subsequently arrested and charged with assault and attempted robbery. The offender told the police that he needed money and that a woman was an easier victim than a man. When examined carefully, however, he revealed that his long-standing fantasies of tying women’s legs had prompted the attack. His initial stated motive of robbery (given to the police) was, then, a rationalization or a lie. In accepting his statement at face value, the police had ignored a noose, a rifle, and a copy of Krafft-Ebing’s (1886) classic text Psychopathia Sexualis—all found in the trunk of the offender’s car. Revitch (1965) concluded that, contrary to popular belief, erection, ejaculation, and intercourse do not necessarily accompany a violent (sexually motivated) assault or murder, since the brutal attack may be a substitute for the sexual act.

Other investigators have reached similar conclusions—namely, that aggressive behaviors with a sexual motive may manifest themselves in symbolic acts of a nonsexual nature (Davidson, 1952), and that overtly non-sexual crimes (such as burglary, arson, assault, or stealing) may be motivated by hidden sexual forces that are not, at first, obvious even to a trained observer (Banay, 1969). Banay reported several cases of assaults, stabbings, and murders where significant underlying sexual dynamics were present but had not been initially detected. “Since the individual is seldom completely aware of the motives for his actions, it is natural that a criminal should deny and disbelieve that certain behavior, seemingly nonsexual, could be sexually inspired” (p. 94). He concluded that “crimes are classified more for purposes of orderly enforcement than for a precise identification of their source and essential nature” (p. 91). In fact, Schlesinger and Revitch’s (1997a) compendium of various forms of sexually motivated antisocial behavior includes many nonovertly sexual acts such as vampirism, burglary, firesetting, and theft.

Do these conclusions confirm Freud’s (1905) hypothesis that “nothing of considerable importance can occur in the organism without contributing some component to the excitation of the sexual instinct” (p. 137)? That is, are we to regard all murders as sexual murders—at least at some level? Such a notion might possibly be correct from a psychoanalytic perspective, but from the perspective of a researcher, investigator, or of a practicing forensic clinician, it is impractical and seems incorrect. There are differences between sexual murders and nonsexual murders; it is just hard to specify exactly what the differences are.

1.4
Distinction between a Sexual Murder and Murder Associated with Sexual Behavior Is Often Blurred

Grubin (1994) lists a number of ways in which a homicide and a sexual offense may become linked: a sexual offender may murder his victim in order to silence a potential accuser; he may become angry and kill his victim in response to her resistance; he may panic and accidentally kill his victim; or he may participate in a rape-homicide as a result of group pressure (which sometimes occurs with military troops on a rampage in an occupied territory). Although murder and sex are connected in these instances, the murders were not sexually motivated, and we agree with Grubin who believes that they should not be considered sexual murders.

The blurred distinction between a sexual murderer and a sex offender who commits a murder is illustrated in a study conducted by Firestone, Bradford, Greenberg, and Larose (1998). In their comprehensive research project involving 48 “homicidal sex offenders,” they used various diagnostic tools, including phallometric readings, to help them understand their subjects. However, the circumstances surrounding the homicides are not exactly clear. Many of the offenders seem to have been motivated by one of the scenarios outlined by Grubin (1994). It is not known whether any of the murders were actually sexually motivated and to what group of offenders the results apply.

Meloy (2000) also notes the distinction between sexual murder and murder associated with sexual activity. Nevertheless, he attempted to estimate the incidence of sexual homicides by examining reported homicides that the UCR categorize as murders associated with rape, other sex, or prostitution. He points out that these may be sexual homicides, since sexual murderers often do kill prostitutes or rape and then kill their victims. However, there is an equal probability that many of these crimes were not sexual homicides. All that we can say about these cases is that homicide and sex were related; we cannot say with certainty that the homicide was sexually motivated.

1.5
Absence of National Crime Statistics on Sexual Murder

The actual base rate for sexual homicide is uncertain. The UCR do not collect data on the number of sexual murders in the U.S., nor does any state database exist. The FBI Behavioral Science Unit has never officially estimated the number of sexual (or serial) homicides occurring within the U.S., despite hearsay to the contrary (Wilson, 2000). The only country that collects data on sexual murder is Canada, under the auspices of the Centre for Justice Statistics, a part of Statistics Canada. However, their definition of sexual murder is a homicide occurring during the commission of a sexual offense. However, these homicides are not always sexually motivated; rather, they are murders (as Grubin [1994] pointed out) that occur in connection with a sex crime. In fact, the Canadian definition would exclude numerous cases of homicide that are sexually motivated—such as those involving strangulation, or multiple stab wounds, without an overt expression of genitality— because of the absence of a sex offense. The prevalence of sexual murder in Canada is about 4% of all homicides—which amounts to about 20 cases per year— and has been fairly consistent over time. The number of sexually motivated homicides still remains unknown. Given the multiple complex problems with definition, it is easy to understand why accurate statistics on the incidence of sexual murder would be very difficult to calculate.

In an attempt to estimate the incidence of sexual homicide in the U.S., some researchers have made use of indirect data sources—with their inherent problems. For example, Ressler et al. (1988) reviewed available crime statistics and concluded that, although the base rate of serial (sexual) homicide is unknown, there are signs that it is actually increasing. They based their reasoning on two sets of statistics in the UCR: (1) the dramatic decrease in the clearance (arrest) rate for homicide over the past 40 years and (2) the concomitant dramatic increase in the number of murders with unknown motives.

Since crime-solving techniques have become more sophisticated and the number of police officers per capita has increased since the 1960s, we would expect the homicide clearance rates to increase or, at the very least, stay the same. In 1960, for example, 93.1% of homicides were cleared by law enforcement. The clearance rate declined steadily to 63% in 2000. It has been argued that sexual murderers, particularly serial sexual murderers, are hard to apprehend because they frequently kill strangers (Godwin, 2000; Langevin, 1991; Meloy, 2000). In addition, some sexual murderers, particularly those with multiple victims, are often geographically mobile (Dietz, Hazelwood, and Warren, 1990; Rossmo, 2000); and that mobility increases the difficulty in apprehension. At first glance, these findings seem to support the conclusion that the decline in homicide clearance rates is attributable to an increase in sexual homicides.

Homicides with unknown motives (i.e., the motivation for the murder is uncertain and does not fit into any of the categories used by the UCR) have increased significantly for several decades. In 1976, 8.5% of murders were committed for unknown motives. This figure has risen steadily over the years, so that in 1998 the number of murders committed for unknown motives reached 38%. Because sexual killings often appear to be motiveless (and, therefore, would be placed in this category), Ressler, Burgess, and Douglas (1988) as well as other researchers have reasoned that the number of sexual homicides has also increased.

Schlesinger (2001a) has argued that a close examination of the available crime data reveals little scientific support for the view that sexual homicide is increasing. For example, clearance rates have declined not only for homicide but also for rape (72.6% in 1960, 50% in 1998: a 22% decrease) and for (nonsexual) assault (78.7% in 1960, 59% in 1998: a 20% decrease). The increase in murders with unknown motives could be attributable to an increase ...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication
• Foreword
• Acknowledgments
• The Author
• Introduction
• 1. Understanding Sexual Murder: Problems and Approaches
• 2. Forensic Assessment: Evaluation of the Sexual Murder
• 3. The Place of Sexual Murder In the Classification of Crime
• 4. Catathymia and Catathymic Crisis: Contributions of Hans W. Maier and Fredric Wertham
• 5. Acute Catathymic Homicides
• 6. Chronic Catathymic Homicides
• 7. Compulsive Homicides In Historical Context
• 8. Planned Compulsive Homicides
• 9. Unplanned Compulsive Homicides
• 10. Prediction and Disposition
• References