A Political History of Tudor and Stuart England

A Sourcebook

Victor Stater, Victor Stater

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2005
• ISBN:
  9781134622122
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: World History
• Index: History

A Political History of Tudor and Stuart England draws together a fascinating selection of sources to illuminate this turbulent era of English history. From the bloody overthrow of Richard III in 1485, to the creation of a worldwide imperial state under Queen Anne, these sources illustrate England's difficult transition from the medieval to the modern.
Covering a period characterised by conflict and division, this wide-ranging single-volume collection presents the accounts of Yorkists and Lancastrians, Protestants and Catholics, and Roundheads and Cavaliers side by side. A Political History of Tudor and Stuart England provides a crucial opportunity for students to examine the institutions and events that moulded English history in the early modern era at first-hand.

Part I
CONTEXT

1
THE COURT AND THE CROWN

The English (British, after 1603) monarchy was one of Europe’s oldest, but the role of the king and the nature of his court were under constant revision. At the end of the fifteenth century Henry Tudor seized power from the unlucky Richard III, but, like its predecessor, Henry VII’s court was an intensely personal one. Influenced to some degree by the innovations of the Burgundian court on the Continent, the first Tudor was nevertheless a ruler cast in a medieval mould. Henry’s successors, however, adopted and adapted their court in the light of changing circumstances – sometimes of necessity, as in the case of Elizabeth I, who was hampered by early modern notions of female inferiority.

An important theme in English history in the early modern period is the changing centrality of the court in political and social life. Its importance under the Tudors grew, if anything, as Henry VII and Henry VIII consolidated the monarchy’s power over church, state, and nobility. For the earlier Stuarts, maintaining the courtly edifice built by the Tudors was a challenge, met with varying degrees of success. James I sought to shape courtly life through the exercise of his undoubted intellectual powers – but his success was inevitably undercut by his lack of interest in ceremony and ritual. Charles I redressed this balance, returning to an almost Elizabethan fascination with ritual magnificence, but without the queen’s common touch. Civil war and revolution swept the court away altogether, but Cromwell himself found that governance without one was impossible. Garbed in a purple robe and sitting upon a throne, the nemesis of monarchy in England found himself engaged in the very same mysteries as his kingly predecessors. But the Civil Wars undoubtedly altered the nature of the court. Though Charles II sought to recreate the prewar institution, his efforts never could restore the court to its former centrality. Under the later Stuarts, the court dwindled in importance, even as the power wielded by the monarchy rose – William III chafed under the limits upon his powers imposed by the Revolution of 1688, yet he commanded far greater resources than any previous British monarch. As Queen Anne’s example shows, the personal power wielded by a king such as Henry VIII was overshadowed by the need to manipulate a vigorous new political system, one whose centre was at Westminster rather than Whitehall.

But in every case, the personality of the monarch was a matter of crucial importance. In what follows, something of the personal qualities of individual monarchs, as perceived by their contemporaries, and the significance of those qualities for millions of subjects might be seen. Even under Anne, royal whims and quirks could make an important difference in policy.

HENRY VII: AN AMBASSADOR’S REPORT IN 1498

When Sanchez de Londoño and Johannes de Matienzo, ambassadors of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, arrived in London in the summer of 1498, Henry VII had worn the English crown almost thirteen years. But the first Tudor monarch never rested easy on his throne. Only a year before a major tax rebellion roiled Cornwall and Henry had faced down the latest pretender to his title, the impostor Perkin Warbeck (1474?–1499), self-styled King Richard IV. Henry’s determination to assert his own place as England’s legitimate king against such threats forms the background to much of his foreign policy. An alliance with Spain, sealed by the marriage of his heir Arthur, Prince of Wales, and the eldest daughter of Spain, Katherine, was a cornerstone of Henry’s plans.

Along with the resident Spanish ambassador, Don Pedro de Ayala, an important part of the envoys’ mission was to report back to their masters on the king’s personal attributes, for fifteenth-century diplomacy was an art practised by individuals – princes, kings, and their chosen servants, rather than a bureaucratized game in which the ‘national interests’ of disembodied states were pursued.
As a result, the Spanish did their best to weigh Henry’s character as well as his policies, and their letters reflect this concern. They also cast some light on the nature of the king’s inner circle, among the most influential of whom was his mother, Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond.

18 July 1498 Londoño and the Sub-prior of Santa Cruz (Fray Johannes de Matienzo) to Ferdinand and Isabella

Had a very bad voyage, and did not arrive in England until the 27th of June.
Travelled sixty leagues by land from their landing place, to London. Henry, on being informed of their arrival, sent two dignitaries of the Church, one of whom is his almoner, and a knight of the name of Duarte, to receive them one day’s journey from London. The knight is a brother-in-law of Count Scalas, and had been knighted by Ferdinand with his own hand in the Vega of Granada. Reached London on 2nd July. Henry was staying at a palace four leagues distant from London, but came to town on Wednesday the 4th of July, and received them the next Thursday. The Bishop of London and those who had met them on their journey to London, together with a great many other gentlemen, came to accompany them to the palace. Were received by Henry with the greatest imaginable demonstrations of joy. Delivered their credentials and recommendations and communicated to the King the substance of their message. No other persons were present, except the Cardinal who is the chancellor of the kingdom, an old gentleman whom they call the treasurer, and Doctor De Puebla. After delivering their message, were asked by Henry to wait a short time, because he wanted to consult with his Council. The counsellors and many other great dignitaries of the realm were called into the room. Retired to a little distance from them. The King, surrounded by his Council, spoke to them for some time. All of them were highly gratified by what they heard. The deliberation being concluded, King Henry asked them again to come nearer, and gave a very gracious and satisfactory answer with a most cheerful countenance. The Cardinal afterwards made a speech in the presence of the King, and answered every point of their message.

Told the King that as soon as the news of disturbances in England had reached Spain, the Spanish fleet had armed and kept ready to assist him, although the truth of the tidings was doubted, because De Puebla had not mentioned them. All the Englishmen present, and especially Henry, expressed their thanks. Henry offered to serve Spain with his person and with his army.
He said it in words which manifested great love and affection.

Henry expressed great satisfaction at the marriage between the Princess Katherine and Prince Arthur, and praised the Princess. The dispensation of the Pope has arrived in England.

Took leave, but were invited to stay over the next day, Sunday. Went on Sunday morning, accompanied by the Bishop of London and other great dignitaries of state, to the palace. The King and Queen heard mass in the chapel, and walked in the procession. The ladies of the Queen went in good order and were much adorned. After mass the King proceeded to dinner. Dined in the palace with the Bishop of London and others. Went after dinner to the chamber of Henry, where they found the King and the Cardinal. Henry spoke of the war in Granada.

Henry is rich, has established good order in England, and keeps the people in such subjection as has never been the case before. He is on good terms with the King of France, to whom he has sent an embassy. He is a friend of peace.

To the Italian ambassadors he answered that he liked to live on good terms with France, and that Italy is too far distant from England for an alliance. The ambassadors from Milan are expected.

The persons who have the greatest influence in England are the mother of the King, the Chancellor, Master Bray, the Bishop of Durham, Master Ludel, who is treasurer, the Bishop of London, and the Lord Chamberlain.

18 July 1498 Johannces de Martienzo to Ferdinand and Isabella

According to his instructions, spoke with Henry alone when the audience was over. Henry did not give any positive answer then, but put it off until the next Sunday.

Told Henry that there are in England and Flanders many heretics who have come from Spain, and people who have fled from the inquisition, who speak ill of Spain, and wish to excite hatred against her. Henry appreciated this advice much. He laid his hands on his breast and swore, by the ‘faith of his heart’, that if any one (without mentioning those cursed exiles) of his best beloved subjects should say anything against the King and Queen of Spain, he would not esteem him, or any longer treat him as his friend. He promised to punish soundly any Jew or heretic to be found in his realms. Conversed a long time on this subject.

Henry likes to speak about the Princess of Wales. He said that he would give the half of his kingdom if she were like her mother.

The Queen is a very noble woman, and much beloved. She is kept in subjection by the mother of the King. It would be a good thing to write often to her, and to show her a little love.

There is no duplicate of the bull dispensing with the consanguinity of the Prince and Princess of Wales. Send a copy. The bull dispensing with the age of the Prince and Princess has likewise arrived. The manner in which the marriage is to be performed, and the Princess to be sent to England, are all the matters that remain to be settled. He must do this, but make no haste.

25 July 1498 Don Pedro de Ayala, to Ferdinand and Isabella

The King of England is less rich than is generally said. He likes to be thought very rich, because such a belief is advantageous to him in many respects. His revenues are considerable, but the custom house revenues, as well as the land rents, diminish every day. As far as the customs are concerned, the reason of their decrease is to be sought in the decay of commerce, caused partly by the wars, but much more by the additional duties imposed by the king. There is, however, another reason for the decrease of trade, that is to say, the impoverishment of the people by the great taxes laid on them. The King himself said to me, it is his intention to keep his subjects low, because riches would only make them haughty. The rent of the domains which he has confiscated to the Crown have much diminished.

His crown is, nevertheless, undisputed, and his government is strong in all respects. He is disliked, but the Queen beloved, because she is powerless.
They love the Prince as much as themselves, because he is the grandchild of his grandfather. Those who know him love him also for his own virtues. The King looks old for his years, but young for the sorrowful life he has led. One of the reasons why he leads a good life is that he has been brought up abroad. He would like to govern England in the French fashion, but he cannot. He is subject to his Council, but has already shaken off some, and got rid of some part of this subjection. Those who have received the greatest favours from him are the most discontented. He knows all that. The king has the greatest desire to employ foreigners in his service. He cannot do so; for the envy of the English is diabolical, and, I think, without equal. He likes to be much spoken of, and to be highly appreciated by the whole world. He fails in this, because he is not a great man. Although he professes many virtues, his love of money is too great.

He spends all the time he is not in public, or in his Council, in writing the accounts of his expenses with his own hand. He desires nothing more in this world than the arrival of the Princess of Wales in England. Though it is not my business to give advice, I take the liberty to say that it would be a good thing if she were to come soon, in order to accustom herself to the way of life in this country and to learn the language. On the other hand, when one sees and knows the manners and the way of life of this people in this island, one cannot deny the grave inconveniences of her coming to England before she is of age. Your Highnesses know the reasons. They are many. But the Princess can only be expected to lead the happy life through not remembering those things which would make her less enjoy what she will find here. It would, therefore, still be best to send her directly, and before she has learnt fully to appreciate our habits of life and our government.

The King is much influenced by his mother and his followers in affairs of personal interest and in others. The Queen, as is generally the case, does not like it. There are other persons who have much influence in the government, as, for instance, the Lord Privy Seal, the Bishop of Durham, the Chamberlain, and many others.

ELIZABETH I IN THE EYES OF A FOREIGN VISITOR, 1598

No less than her father and grandfather before her, Elizabeth I understood the importance of appearances at court. Even more than her male predecessors, her gender reinforced the need for a condescending but magnificent distance from her subjects. Her natural frailty as a woman – intellectual, physical, and moral – was assumed by nearly everyone, and it was important that these ‘natural’ disabilities were overshadowed by the commanding virtues of a prince. Her intelligence, displayed by her command of foreign languages, her piety, her desire to do justice, all attributes of a divinely appointed monarch, cast whatever sins of Eve she inherited from her mother into shadow.

Paul Hentzner, a German jurist, wrote this account of his presentation at the queen’s court at its summer home in Greenwich in 1598. Elizabeth’s court, the political and social centre of the realm, was open to all who cared to visit, provided they behaved properly and were decently dressed. Gentlemen and their wives from the provinces, commoners with petitions to present, great lords from home and abroad, all came and were dazzled by Elizabeth’s gracious reception and the pomp with which she surrounded herself.

Extracts from Paul Hentzner’s travels in England, 1598

ELIZABETH, the reigning Queen of England, was born at the Royal Palace of Greenwich, and here she generally resides, particularly in summer, for the delightfulness of its situation. We were admitted by an order, which Mr. Rogers (Daniel Rogerius) had procured from the Lord Chamberlain, into the Presence-Chamber hung with rich tapestry, and the floor, after the English fashion, strewed with hay, through which the Queen commonly passes in her way to chapel. At the door stood a gentleman dressed in velvet, with a gold chain, whose office was to introduce to the queen any person of distinction that came to wait on her. It was Sunday [6 September N. S.], when there is usually the greatest attendance of nobility. In the same hall were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, a great num...

Table of contents

• COVER PAGE
• TITLE PAGE
• COPYRIGHT PAGE
• INTRODUCTION
• PART I: CONTEXT
• PART II: POLITICS IN ACTION
• SOURCES