Mathematics Teaching, Learning, and Liberation in the Lives of Black Children

Danny Bernard Martin

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2010
• ISBN:
  9781135590956
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Didattica
• Subtopic: Didattica generale

With issues of equity at the forefront of mathematics education research and policy, Mathematics Teaching, Learning, and Liberation in the Lives of Black Children fills the need for authoritative, rigorous scholarship that sheds light on the ways that young black learners experience mathematics in schools and their communities. This timely collection significantly extends the knowledge base on mathematics teaching, learning, participation, and policy for black children and it provides new framings of relevant issues that researchers can use in future work. More importantly, this book helps move the field beyond analyses that continue to focus on and normalize failure by giving primacy to the stories that black learners tell about themselves and to the voices of mathematics educators whose work has demonstrated a commitment to the success of these children.

Section III
Socialization, Learning, and Identity

7 The Social Construction of Youth and Mathematics: The Case of a Fifth-Grade Classroom

Kara J. Jackson

“The Dumb Denominator”

It is mid-February, and Ms. Ridley (T/R),¹ a fifth-grade math teacher at Johnson Middle School, introduces addition and subtraction of fractions with like denominators (e.g.,

) for the first time. She tells the students, “Raise your hand and tell me what dumb people might do. Tell me some stuff people do at Johnson that’s dumb.” The students make comments such as “not studying for a test,” “making stupid noises,” “talking in the cafeteria from table to table,” “starting a food fight,” and “chewing gum.” Ms. Ridley then asks, “What do smart people do?” The students suggest the following: “thinking before you speak,” “raising hands for every question,” “paying attention in class,” and “not making the same mistakes again.”

With her students’ rapt attention, Ms. Ridley says quietly:

T/R: I have another little secret to tell you …. The denominator in our fraction is dumb. Since it’s dumb, it never studies for the test. It comes time for the test—

T/R writes on the board:

T/R: Think about a dumb decision. If you didn’t study for the test.

M/St 1:² Leave your answers blank.

T/R: No, think about what happens on test day. …

M/St 2: I just write down any answer, almost.

F/St 1: Cheat.

T/R: Yes! If the denominator’s dumb, what do you think it’s going to do? It’s going to copy! The denominators copy because they’re dumb, the numerators are smart, what are they going to do?

F/St 2: Add.

(FN, 2/14/06)³

Ms. Ridley returns to the example on the board. She tells the students to add the numerators (1 + 1 = 2) and that the denominator “copies” and remains a 3. Ms. Ridley exclaims, “Yes, let’s try another one!”

However, before moving to another example, Ms. Ridley places a transparency on the overhead that contains “Rules for Adding and Subtracting Fractions” (see Figure 7.1).

Rules for Adding and Subtracting Fractions

Fact #1: When we add and subtract fractions, the denominators must be the same.

Fact #2: The denominators copy.

Fact #3: The numerators follow the rules.

Figure 7.1 Notes on adding and subtracting fractions (FN, 2/14/06).

After the children have copied the three facts into their notebooks, Ms. Ridley announces, “If you want, you can put Johnson students in place of numerators. Almost like numerators are good Johnson students, they follow the rules. Denominators are like bad Johnson students, they break the rules.” The students remain quiet, as usual. The class moves on to another example.

Social Construction of Youth and Mathematics

In this excerpt from a fifth-grade math classroom, both mathematics and youth are constructed in particular ways. The addition of fractional parts of numbers is constructed as a procedural task to be carried out with little understanding of the meaning of numerators, denominators, or the addition of parts of wholes, not to mention the multiple meanings that numerals represented as fractions may have (e.g., Thompson & Saldanha, 2003). Simultaneously, Johnson Middle School students are constructed as “good” and “bad.” The talk in this segment both reifies what it means to be “good” and “bad” Johnson students and potentially identifies particular students as “good” or “bad,” depending on their typical behaviors.

In this short segment of classroom instruction, we are forced to grapple with the reality that mathematics instruction is not a socially or culturally neutral process. Rather, as others have argued, mathematics instruction, like any type of instruction, is laden with social and cultural norms, expectations, and practices (Baker, Street, & Tomlin, 2003). However, in part because the discipline of mathematics is often constructed as an “objective science” (Dossey, 1992), the social and cultural assumptions and implications of instructional practices in mathematics classrooms have been less explored in comparison to humanities classrooms (for examples of such research in humanities classrooms, see Heath, 1983; Wortham, 2006).

In this chapter, I show how mathematics instruction involves the social construction of mathematics and of youth. As alluded to in the Dumb Denominator excerpt above, how children are constructed informs how mathematics is constructed and vice versa. Furthermore, I argue that the way that both children and mathematics were constructed in this school drew on discourses about poor children of color that circulate beyond the classroom. As a case in point, I illustrate how one instructional practice was consequential to how two students, Nikki and Timothy, and mathematics were simultaneously constructed in Ms. Ridley’s class.

Nikki Martin and Timothy Smith were both African American youth from the same low-income neighborhood, attended the same schools, and were in the same fifth-grade math classroom. On the one hand, Nikki and Timothy were restricted mathematically in similar ways because of institutional discourses about poor, urban children of color as related to discourses about mathematics that circulated in Johnson Middle School. On the other hand, social construction is an interactive, dynamic process (Holstein & Gubrium, 2008), and Nikki and Timothy illustrate that individuals negotiate discourses about youth and mathematics in unique ways. As a result, their social and academic trajectories varied.

Mathematical Socialization and Social Identification

There is a rich tradition of attention to processes of socialization and social identification in studies of learning to speak, read, and write (e.g., Heath, 1983; Street, 1993). For example, it is well established that children engage in two concurrent, related processes when learning to speak: “socialization through the use of language and socialization to use language” (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986, p. 163, italics in original). Children not only learn to speak the language around them (socialization to use language); they also learn about the role that language plays in socially and culturally organized ways of acting, and they use language as an entrée into mastering those ways of acting (socialization through the use of language). Furthermore, language socialization is an “interactive process,” and “the child or novice … is not a passive recipient of sociocultural knowledge but rather an active contributor to the meaning and outcome of interactions with other members of a social group” (Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986, p. 165).

Sociocultural theorists argue that learning is as much about individuals experiencing a change in their understanding of some content as it is about changing who one is with respect to the community to which that content is central (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Packer & Goicoecha, 2000). Over the past 15 years, there has been an increasing number of scholars who have drawn on sociocultural theories of learning to understand students’ learning of mathematics (e.g., Boaler, 1997, 2000; Cobb, Stephan, McClain, & Gravemeijer, 2001; deAbreu, 1999; Greeno & Middle School Mathematics Through Applications Project Group, 1998; Kieran, Forman, & Sfard, 2001; Martin, 2000; Nasir, 2002). Recent work has shown that, as with literacy, mathematics is embedded in social and cultural practices that are inextricable from power relations (Baker, Street, & Tomlin, 2003; Street, Baker, & Tomlin, 2005). Such situated accounts of learning mathematics have illustrated how mathematical practices are related to the development of “mathematical identities” (Boaler, 1999; Martin, 2000, 2006b; Nasir, 2002). In turn, mathematical identities afford and constrain different opportunities for learning and participation in wider contexts (Anderson & Gold, 2006; Martin, 2000, 2006a, 2006b).

Horn (2007) explicitly investigates the relationship among the construction of mathematics, students, and teaching practices. In a study of two high school mathematics departments in the midst of a detracking reform, Horn found that teachers’ constructions of students hinged upon their construction of mathematics. Teachers who tended to construct mathematics knowledge as a “sequential” series of topics to be mastered tended to construct students in terms of their motivation, which in turn limited the pedagogical actions the teachers might take if students did not achieve at expected levels (p. 43). Alternatively, teachers who tended to construct mathematics as a body of connected ideas had more latitude in how they identified their students, and therefore, if students were not achieving at expected levels, they had more latitude in the pedagogical actions they might take.

Horn’s work, as well as the body of situated accounts of learning mathematics mentioned above, has illuminated the need to attend to the social processes of learning mathematics. However, this body of work has been less attuned to how such social processes within local settings, like classrooms, are connected to discourses that circulate outside of local settings. An exception is the work of Martin (2000). Martin developed a model of “mathematics socialization” based on research of high- and under-achieving African American mathematics students in a low-performing middle school. Martin found that he could not explain (under)achievement in school mathematics among African American youth without attending to broader socio-historical and community forces. This led him to explore discourses about racially based differential access to mathematics that circulated among the communities and homes in which these students lived. Through interviews with students, parents, and community members, Martin found that individuals’ experiences with mathematics were intricately connected to their cultural and social identification as African American. Significantly, Martin’s work captured the relationship between culturally and socially organized discourses about mathematics, race, and individual achievement.

Martin contends that (under)achievement in mathematics, particularly for African Americans, but likely for other groups of students as well, is best understood as a dynamic interplay between processes of socialization and identity formation. According to Martin (2006b),

Mathematics socialization refers to the experiences that individuals and groups have within a variety of contexts such as school, family, peer groups, and the workplace that legitimize or inhibit meaningful participation in mathematics. Mathematics identity refers to the dispositions and deeply held beliefs that individuals develop about their ability to participate and perform effectively in mathematical contexts and to use mathematics to change the conditions of their lives. A mathematics identity encompasses a person’s self-understandings and how they are seen by others in the context of doing mathematics. (p. 150)

Martin’s work raises an important issue—namely, there are various contexts in which socialization and social identification happen. For the purposes of my analyses, I investigate processes of socialization and social identification that happen in and across institutional and local contexts. In particular, I focus on the prevalence and deployment of particular discourses. I draw from the work of Jim Gee (1990/1996), in which he defines discourses as “ways of behaving, interacting, valuing, thinking, believing, speaking, and often reading and writing that are accepted as instantiations of particular roles (or ‘types of people’) by specific groups of people. … They are ‘ways of being in the world’” (p. viii, italics in original). Discourses, for example regarding who is “good” at mathematics, regiment thought and action in that they shape (but do not determine) how individuals get recognized as particular sorts of people at any given moment given their actions (e.g., speech, behavior, dress).

In my work, then, when I discuss processes of social identification and socialization that operate at institutional contexts, I focus on discourses that circulate throughout institutions, like schools. By local contexts, I mean the discourses that circulate in particular classrooms, like Ms. Ridley’s fifth-grade math classroom at Johnson Middle School. Institutional and local contexts are by no means isomorphic. Rather, discourses that circulate at broad, institutional contexts are inflected in particular ways in local contexts, like classrooms (Wortham, 2006). There was a distinctly local character regarding mathematics and youth evident in Ms. Ridley’s classroom, as reflected in the Dumb Denominator excerpt above. However, I argue below that more widely circulating institutional discourses about poor children of color, particularly African American children, and their ability to do mathematics, shaped the local approach to mathematics. In other words, the peculiar way in which Ms. Ridley introduced the addition of rational numbers was not merely a product of idiosyncratic pedagogy.

Research Context

The data presented are from a 14-month study of how two African American 10-year-olds (Nikki Martin and Timothy Smith) and their families learned mathematics within and across home, school, and occasionally neighborhood contexts. The overarching goal of the study was to understand how individuals learn mathematics across distinct contexts and over time. I used ethnographic methods (e.g., participant observation, interviews, document collection) to document how the participants experienced, and made sense of, their participation in, across, and exclusion from, a variety of mathematical practices. There were four major sources of data for this study: fieldnotes based on more than 300 hours of participant observation in multiple sites; 35 hours of interview data; document collection at all of the sites; and 36 hours of video-taped recordings of 18 parent math classes held in the neighborhood that at least one of the focal children’s parents attended. Although I began data collection when Nikki Martin and Timothy Smith were in fourth grade at their local elementary school, for the purposes of this chapter, I am only drawing on the data of the children’s participation in the fifth-grade math classroom at Johnson Middle School, including fieldnote, document, and interview data. (For more detail on the research design of the study, see Jackson, 2007.)

My analyses for the larger study focused on how individuals interacted with other individuals and resources in particular events, as embedded in social practices. I traced contingent events to understand how strings of events amounted to longer time-scale (Lemke, 2000) processes of mathematical so...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Preface
• Acknowledgements
• SECTION I Mapping a Liberatory Research and Policy Agenda
• SECTION II Pedagogy, Standards, and Assessment
• SECTION III Socialization, Learning, and Identity
• SECTION IV Collaboration and Reform
• Contributors