Global education: global industry
The number of identifiable international schools seems to be growing at a very rapid rate, now standing at over 5,000, with the most rapid growth occurring in Asia (especially China), Europe and Africa (Brummitt 2007, 2009). As Macdonald (2006) and Bunnell (2007) suggest, there is now an âinternational school industryâ. That there should be such an industry should be no surprise in view of two factors. First, as a result of globalisation, the growth of the middle class in many developing countries has reached the point where it is now sufficient to support the expansion of such an industry from an elite to a more general status. As the World Bank reports:
Second, there is growing recognition that education at all levels is now a global service industry worth billions of dollars. In 2007â8 USA overseas revenue from international education was US$15.54 billion; UK revenue was US$ 6.34 billion; Australian revenue was US$6.9 billion and Canadian revenue US$6.5 billion (Maslen 2009). While much of this revenue concerns tertiary level study an increasing percentage of it applies to pre-tertiary study. Clearly, as Carrie Lips suggested (somewhat tendentiously) to the CATO Institute as far back as 2000, âIncreasingly entrepreneurs recognise that the publicâs dissatisfaction with one-size-fits all schools is more than just fodder for political debates. It is a tremendous business opportunityâ (Lips 2000).
So the context for the development of international schools is provided by a significant growth in middle class demand for education and a recognition, especially by English speaking countries, of the value of the international market for education services and the prospects for its privatisation and commercialisation (see also Dale and Robertson 2002; Robertson 2003; Tamatea 2005; Lauder 2007; Bhanji 2008).
But the context for the expansion of international schooling is not simply numerical. It is also ideological, for this growth in numbers has coincided with the globalisation of neo-liberal ideologies committed to the reorganisation of societies and social relations. In particular, as Robertson argues, neo-liberalism has three main aims:
If such objectives seem a world away from the hopes of Kurt Hahn and his colleagues it seems important to ask just how international schools are located structurally and ideologically in this pattern of globalisation.
Both Sylvester (2005) and Wylie (2008) have attempted to locate international schools within matrices that indicate the diversity of international schools and their educational provision. The dimensions of Sylvesterâs matrix range from Politically Sensitive to Politically Neutral on one axis and from Education for International Understanding to Education for World Citizenship on the other. Wylieâs, somewhat more complex, matrix includes Colonialism through Post-colonialism, Global Economy, Global Ideology and Global Civil Society on one axis and school Message Systems (Curriculum, Pedagogy and Assessment) and Mechanisms of Learning and Control (Teachers and ICT) on the other. Both point to the very considerable diversity of purpose and provision in international schools and the difficulty of making generalisations about such diversity.
The purpose of this volume is not to add further to these attempts to organise our understanding of the diversity of international schools and international schooling, but rather to critically address the major issues that shape the contexts and practices of international schools, especially those that arise from tensions between global cultures and local cultures and between the demands of global markets and calls for global citizenship. In particular, we examine the implications for schools in terms of curricula, pedagogies and assessment regimes, and for teachers in terms of their work and careers.
Global cultures and local cultures
Contemporary discussions of globalisation pay considerable attention to issues of culture. On the one hand, theorists such as Fukuyama suggest that the world is converging on a single (Western liberal-democratic-capitalist) culture that presages âthe end of historyâ.
On the other hand, theorists such as Huntington claim that we are entering a period in which historically divergent cultures will lead to an intensification of conflict and a âclash of civilizationsâ.
So where does this leave us? It would seem that Fukuyamaâs claim has already been invalidated by the very history whose end he celebrated. Huntingtonâs thesis has come under major attack (Sen 2006), although there is a general consensus that there are irreducible and unresolvable differences in values and commitments between cultures. Moreover, there is growing criticism of the idea that a global cultural/moral/political consensus can be achieved through the imposition of particular Utopian visions by military or economic means (Gray 2008).
Recognition of this reality is put forcefully by Gray in his analysis of the history of millenarian movements driven by apocalyptic religion and militarised politics. In order to escape the appalling consequences of such regimes, Gray suggests that we need to recognise that
Moreover, he argues, the existence of a variety of religious commitments needs to be recognised and the attempt to resolve religious differences through the attempt to impose secular solutions abandoned.
Whatever position one takes with regard to Grayâs analysis of religion, his advocacy of attempts to reach a modus vivendi across religious differences and his acknowledgement that attempts to impose solutions based upon claims to unique insights into the truth of particular apocalyptic and utopian beliefs have led to extraordinary, increasing and unacceptable violence are surely insights worth pursuing.
But religious differences are not the only source of cultural difference in the modern world. Differences of nationality, ethnicity, gender and class, for instance, constitute âpublicsâ that all have claim to equality of treatment, or as Fraser (2003) puts it, claims to justice involving redistribution, recognition and representation. This does not mean, however, that cultural norms of particular groups are to be allowed free reign, for, as Olssen argues
Moreover, as Sen (2006) points out, individuals always have multiple identities that often span cultural as well as other forms of affiliation and membership.1 In this sense we are all cosmopolitan and we all cross various boundaries.
The attempt to establish a global culture must, therefore, be based on the search for principles underpinning the idea of cosmopolitanism that are neither coercive nor relativist and that search for accommodations between incommensurable âtruthsâ (see also Pieterse 2006; Bates 2008).
This is a particular issue for those organisations that are working to promote curriculum and assessment practices across cultures, for cultural diversity provides the context within which the search for an educationally appropriate notion of global culture is conducted and as a multitude of âpublicsâ emerge and lay claim to particular visions of culture and those educatio...