Chapter 1
Opening the lens
Cultural criminology and the image
Keith Hayward
Do you want to acquire power through the image? Then you will perish by the return of the image.
(Jean Baudrillard, 2005)
Five years ago now, in the edited collection Cultural Criminology Unleashed (Ferrell et al., 2004), we commented that the true meaning of crime and crime control was to be found not in the essential (and essentially false) factuality of crime rates, but in the contested processes of symbolic display, cultural interpretation, and representational negotiation. Images of crime, we claimed, were becoming āas ārealā as crime and criminal justice itself ā, with mediated anticrime campaigns, visually constructed crime waves, and media fabrications of counter-cultural imagery all circulating in āan endless spiral of meaning, a Mƶbius strip of culture and everyday lifeā (ibid: 3ā4). At that time, our intention was to be controversial; the goal being to play with the parameters of the discipline and challenge the staid conventions of orthodox criminology. However, surveying the world five years on, such proclamations appear less irreverent flights of futurological fancy and more commonsense observation. While the everyday experience of life in contemporary Western society may or may not be suffused with crime, it is most certainly suffused with images and increasingly images of crime.
However, it is not just a case of image proliferation ā contemporary societyās keen sense of the visual demands that images also be both mutable and malleable. Here the ālogic of speedā (Virilio, 1986, 1991) meets liquidity of form, as images bleed from one medium to the next. Uploaded and downloaded, copied and crossposted, Flickr-ed, Facebook-ed and PhotoShop-ped, the image today is as much about porosity and manipulation as it is about fixity and representation. This, of course, poses a question: what does the term āimageā actually mean under contemporary conditions?
The word āimageā is utilized and etymologically defined in a number of ways. However, from a pictorial perspective, image traditionally refers to a representation of the external form of an object. This remains the case, of course, but for the purposes of this collection, we have deliberately sought to expand and enhance the term. Just as cell phone photos migrate from street to screen and āuser-generated-contentā websites set video clips loose from their origins, traditional conceptual understandings of the term image are also set in motion. One such example is the increasing interchangeability of the terms āimageā and āvisualā. If the former relates to representation, then the latter (traditionally at least) relates to āseeingā. However, consider our mass-mediated society, what Appadurai (1996: 35) calls the late modern āMediascapeā (that bundle of media that manufactures information and disseminates images via an ever expanding array of digital technologies). Here, much of what we āseeā is actually mediated by the image. On the internet, for example, the photograph and the icon function as navigational devices, allowing us to āseeā virtual worlds and traverse the endless pathways of cyberspace. Likewise, while TV, film, and video all incorporate sound and broadcast technology, they are by definition primarily photographic experiences. Hence the increasing use of terms such as āvisual cultureā1 or āimaged formā as ways of explaining and understanding a world in which the collective conscious is now shaped and manipulated by the digital image-making machinery of the Mediascape.
This blurring of representation and seeing, of image and visual, is never more apparent than when we consider how crime is imaged in contemporary society. While mug shots, surveillance photographs, and newspaper pictures of notorious criminals have long featured as part of the āspectacleā of crime and punishment in modern society (see Carney, this volume). Today, as criminals videotape their crimes and post them on YouTube, as security agents scrutinize the imagemaking of criminals on millions of surveillance monitors around the world, as insurrectionist groups upload video compilations (filmed from several angles) of āsuccessfulā suicide bomb attacks and roadside IED (Improvized Explosive Device) detonations, as images of brutality and victimization pop up on office computer screens and childrenās mobile phones, as āreality TVā shows take the viewer ever deeper inside the world of the beat cop and the prison setting, there can be no other option but the development of a thoroughgoing visual criminology.
For some, such a āvisual criminologyā is already with us. After all, phrases like āimages of ā and āmedia constructions ofā are now common and commonly accepted prefixes to conventional criminological categories such as policing and prison studies. However, as I have stated elsewhere, ā[t]his disciplinary drift into the realm of the image hardly constitutes an adequate visual criminologyā¦ Simply importing images into a discipline defined by words and numbers is in fact likely to retard the development of a visual criminology, since it will leave in place the ugly notion that written or numeric analysis can somehow penetrate
the obfuscation, conquer the opaqueness, of the imageā (Ferrell, Hayward and Young, 2008: 184ā6). Instead of simply studying āimagesā we need a new methodological orientation towards the visual that is capable of encompassing meaning, affect, situation, symbolic power and efficiency, and spectacle in the same āframeā. This new approach must seek to fuse precise visual attentiveness with politically charged analysis, to be as attuned to representation and style as it is to the way visual culture impacts on individual and collective behaviour. As David Freedburg (1989, xxii) makes clear in his book The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (itself a work that urges art historians to take their analyses beyond traditional understandings of the āimageā): āWe must consider not only beholdersā symptoms and behaviours, but also the effectiveness, efficacy, and vitality of images themselves; not only what beholders do, but also what images appear to do; not only what people do as a result of their relationship with imaged form, but also what they expect imaged form to achieve, and why they have such expectations at allā.
In keeping with such a philosophy, this book aims to help cultural criminologists go beyond simple analyses of the static image/picture and develop the theoretical and methodological tools needed to understand the dynamic force and power of visual culture. Such a task is now urgent. Contemporary visual representations of crime, transgression, and punishment take us far beyond the realm of the criminal justice system or law and order politics; even beyond established understandings of the mediaās role as āa storehouse of illicit excitementā, a ready resource for the voyeuristic consumption of violence and tragedy. Today, our world might best be described as a highly mediated ācrime festā, where the visual representation of crime and punishment plays out in reality TV theatres of the absurd and mediated spectacles of punitiveness. To paraphrase a famous quote by Gianni Vattimo and Wolfgang Welsch, over the last few years, the (visual) media has changed from simply conveying information or telling entertaining stories about crime, to actually shaping and producing its reality (Vattimo and Welsch, 1998: 7).
This is exactly the point at which cultural criminology enters the frame. Over the last decade or so, cultural criminology has emerged as a distinct theoretical, methodological, and interventionist approach that situates crime, criminality, and control squarely in the context of cultural dynamics (see e.g. Ferrell and Sanders, 1995; Presdee, 2000; Ferrell, Hayward and Young, 2008). From this view, crime and the agencies and institutions of crime control operate as cultural enterprises ā that is, as richly symbolic endeavours created out of ongoing human interaction and power relations. As such, they must be read in terms of the contested meanings they carry; they must be interrogated as key social sites in which rules are created and broken, and where moral entrepreneurship, political innovation, and experiential resistance intersect. In undertaking this interrogation, cultural criminology often focuses theoretically on situated meaning and constructed social identity, and methodologically on forms of ethnography predicated on the Weberian tradition of āverstehende sociologieā (see Ferrell, 1997). However, while early cultural criminological research emanating from the United States focused predominantly on rich, indexical cultural accounts of marginal deviant groups (e.g. Ferrell, 1993/1996; Hamm, 1995: see also Ferrell and Hamm, 1998), more recently, it has expanded its focus to include space, place, and cultural geography; the ongoing transformations and fluctuations associated with hypercapitalism; the vicissitudes of power, resistance, and state control; concepts of risk and embodied practice, and a whole host of other areas. The strength of the ācultural approachā, then, is the way it seeks to tackle the subject of crime and criminalization from a variety of new perspectives and academic disciplines. In effect, as I have stated elsewhere, its āremit is to keep āturning the kaleidoscopeā on the way we think about crime, and importantly, the legal and societal responses to rule-breakingā (Hayward and Young, 2007: 103). In all of this, cultural criminology attempts to reorient criminology to contemporary social and cultural changes, and so to imagine a āpostā or ālate modernā theory of crime and control. In this regard, cultural criminology conceptualizes many transgressive behaviours as attempts to resolve internal conflicts that are themselves spawned by the contradictions and peculiarities of contemporary life; put in different terms, ācultural criminology seeks to fuse a phenomenology of contemporary transgression with a sociological analysis of late modern cultureā (Hayward, 2004: 9).
Concepts such as situated meaning, symbolic richness, or cultural flow are, of course, meaningless unless they incorporate a thoroughgoing consideration and appreciation of the visual. Thankfully, cultural criminologists have had a longstanding interest in both symbolic interaction and the way meaning and power are negotiated and displayed through the efflorescences of mass-produced imagery. Similarly, from a methodological perspective, cultural criminology embraces visual analysis, with readings and counter readings of images and imaginative media/textual case studies and deconstructions featuring from the outset (see Ferrell, 1999: 406ā8 and the international journal Crime, Media, Culture). How could it really be any other way? In our contemporary world of media festival and digital spectacle, the āstoryā of crime and crime control is now promulgated as much through the image as through the word. Hence, cultural criminologists use the visual evidence of crime as a critical and pedagogic vehicle to illuminate the power of images in shaping popular understandings and social constructions of crime, deviance, and punishment.
From cell phone photographs and video footage shot in the combat zones of Iraq and Afghanistan and then posted online, to the grainy CCTV footage that drives the slurry of primetime ācops and robbersā compilation shows (Fishman and Cavender, 1998; Rapaport, 2007), from unreal āreality TVā moments that shape moral values and social norms, to stylized representations of crime and power in comic books (Nyberg, 1998; Williams, 1998) and even criminology textbook covers (Ferrell, Hayward and Young, 2008: 101ā2), ours is a world in which āthe street scripts the screen and the screen scripts the street; [where] there is no clearly linear sequence, but rather a shifting interplay between the real and the virtual, the factual and the fictional. Late modern society is saturated with collective meaning and suffused with symbolic uncertainty as media messages and cultural traces swirl, circulate and vacillateā (ibid: 123).
Needless to say, such concerns are seen by some as a frippery, a marginal concern well beyond the scope and remit of mainstream (state-sanctioned) criminology. Nevertheless, as cultural criminologists have said many times before, dismissing this focus on visual imagery as a decorative or āaestheticā criminology is to mistake method for meaning. In a world where power is increasingly exercised through mediated representation and symbolic production, battles over image, style, and cultural representation emerge as essential moments in the contested negotiation of late modern reality.
However, if cultural criminology is keen to break free of the constraints of orthodox criminology, it is equally keen to escape th...