Chapter 1
Introduction
Ann-Marie Bathmaker
What stories can we tell of ourselves and others at the beginning of the twenty-first century and why should they be of interest to others? This collection of narrative and life history research responds to these questions by offering a range of examples from diverse educational and social contexts. What we offer here are narratives, which illuminate what âtroublesâ us. Writing these narratives has enabled us, as educators and researchers who are concerned with learning, and with what it means to have opportunities to engage in learning, to explore how that is bound up with identity and power, and with the relation between individual agency and social structure. Narratives have helped us to do what C. Wright Mills (1959: 248) would refer to as linking âpersonal troublesâ to âpublic issuesâ.
How the connections between personal and public concerns may be understood and interpreted are important questions for narrative and life history research. This is particularly so at a time when such research is shaped by âthe ubiquity of personal narratives in contemporary Western culture and politicsâ (Chase 2005: 669). Our news is filled with personal stories of success and despair, our television is saturated with the melodrama of the ârealâ lives of âordinaryâ individuals staged on TV through contrived scenarios, produced for entertainment, focusing on the personal and the spectacular (Wood and Skeggs 2008), and our policymakers use individual narrative vignettes to promote their causes. As Chase cautions, we need to be wary of âthe extraordinary self-conscious fascination with story telling that prevails at presentâ (Chase 2005: 212). The creation of what Berlant (2008) calls âintimate publicsâ through such story telling links to political processes that work at the level of sensation and emotion (Wood and Skeggs 2008). In educational contexts, Ecclestone (2004; 2007) has raised concerns about what she describes as a therapeutic turn, where students are encouraged to tell their personal stories and explore their emotions in the public space of schools. Though not intended for sensation and spectacle, Ecclestone argues that such practices diminish individuals and provide the state with new opportunities for surveillance and control.
Narrative and life history research face the challenge that they too may open up personal lives and experience for scrutiny, but do no more than satisfy the curiosity of a wider audience, if this is not linked to what Lincoln and Denzin (2005: 1117) call âan engaged social scienceâ. This is what Goodson and Sikes (2001) mean when they make the distinction between life story and life history. Life stories may be a starting point, the initial exploration of a life as lived, but life history grounds these stories of personal experience in their wider social and historical context, and pays attention to social relations of power.
The distinction above hints at the multiple layering of narrative research. An important recognition in narrative inquiry is that narratives are collaborative constructions, and involve different participants in their construction. These include the subjects of the inquiry (who might be termed the ârespondentsâ in other forms of research), the researchers (who might also be the âsubjectâ of the research), others who become involved in the inquiry (such as the bilingual interpreter in Jane Andrewsâ chapter in this volume), as well as the readers, who will form their own construction of the text that is presented.
What work can our narratives do?
We are still faced with questions of what work narratives can do, what insights a study of individual accounts can give us, and how we can learn from a study of the singular. An essential aspect of data relating to the singular and particular rather than to large samples and statistical generalisability is that âgood narratives typically approach the complexities and contradictions of real lifeâ (Flyvbjerg 2006: 237). They reveal ambiguity rather than tidy it away. In Hodkinson and Hodkinsonâs words (2001: 4), individual cases âretain more of the ânoiseâ of real life than many other types of researchâ. Indeed, as they argue, other forms of research aim to exclude noise, yet âthe excluded noise may be a highly significant part of the storyâ. This emphasis on context-dependent knowledge makes it possible to develop a nuanced view of reality, including the view that human behaviour is not simply about rule-governed acts (Flyvbjerg 2006). Individual cases and narratives can in this way help us to understand complex interrelationships (Hodkinson and Hodkinson 2001).
In writing the chapters in this book, it is the detail of everyday life that we have aimed to explore. The title of this volume, Exploring Learning, Identity and Power through Life History and Narrative Research, identifies the key threads that run through the chapters. All of the chapters are concerned with learning, sometimes, but not always, in formal educational contexts. Questions of identity and power weave in and out of the chapters, offering a diversity of insights into the constructions of identity, and the workings of power, and also showing the spaces and limitations for the taking of power through individual agency. While the authors of each chapter offer their own answers to the question of the purposes of their narratives, I want here to emphasise what is crucial to me, which is the possibility that narrative and life history research might âspeak truth to powerâ (Coffield 1999; Watts 2008). By this, I mean the ways in which narrative inquiry, through rich accounts of the complexities of real life and an emphasis on the particular, may call into question dominant narratives that do not match the experience of life as lived.
A significant and important feature of narrative and life history research is that they provide a means of getting closer to the experience of those whose lives and histories go unheard, unseen, undocumented â ordinary, marginalised and silenced lives (Riessman 2008). Riessman emphasises how âNarratives invite us as listeners, readers, and viewers to enter the perspective of the narratorâ (2008: 9), that is, the person who is telling their own story to the researcher. This is very different to the way that reality TV encourages us to become voyeurs in the spectacle of the lives of others. Narrative research respects individuals as subjects, with both histories and intentions.
Exploring identity/ies
In focusing on the detail of individual lives, a major concern in narrative inquiry is the construction and enacting of identity/ies. Why does identity matter, and why does it matter now? McCarthey and Moje (2002) argue that identity matters, both because identities shape peopleâs practices and âbecause people can be understood by others in particular ways, and people act toward one another depending on such understandings and positioningsâ (2002: 228â9).
At the present time, the significance of identity is heightened by analyses that point to the breakdown of the set âtrajectoriesâ for peopleâs lives. These trajectories may have formed a common experience according to class, gender and ethnic origin in the past (Beck 1992; Giddens 1991), but there is no longer a script that can be lived out in a relatively prescribed way. We are forced to cobble together a biography in Beckâs (1992) words, to construct our identities, rather than just live out a predetermined path through life. The implication is that it is no longer possible not to work on the self.
Narrative research is therefore seen as providing opportunities and spaces for research participants as well as researchers. Riessman (2008) suggests that encouraging and allowing people to tell their narratives to us as researchers allows participants to negotiate their identities and to make meaning of their experience, and Lieblich et al. (1998: 7) comment similarly: âWe know or discover ourselves, and reveal ourselves to others, by the stories we tell.â
In this respect, narrative and life history research are strongly associated with moves to restore individual agency, that is, to focus on the ways in which individuals may choose to shape their own lives, and a shift away from what Plummer (2001: 4) describes as âthe big stories of the recent pastâ such as Marxism and earlier forms of feminism, which tend to emphasise how social and economic structures determine individualsâ lives. At the same time, various life history and narrative researchers emphasise that it is important to understand individual lives and identities as constructed in the context of particular social structures and material conditions, which lock people into various forms of subjectivity (Alvesson and Sköldberg 2000).
Making sense of life as lived
The role of the researcher in interpreting the stories that are told is therefore a significant one. Biesta et al. (2005) make this point very clearly when they argue that life history research is more than the collection of stories about individualsâ lives:
Goodson (2005) also argues that a preoccupation with the individual life history and its analysis is not enough. This tips into individualism, and a âfictionâ of an isolated, self-sufficient individual. What is central is the relationship between the individual and wider structures â in the words of C. Wright Mills (1970), how smaller milieux and larger structures interact.
Narrative inquiry therefore goes beyond the telling of stories and involves trying to make sense of life as lived (Clandinin and Connelly 2000). In particular, narrative research can help to make visible taken-for-granted practices, and structural and cultural features of our everyday social worlds (Chase 2005). Chase argues that such work may reveal the stranglehold of oppressive metanarratives that establish rules of truth, legitimacy and identity.
Engaging in âlittle scienceâ
This returns to the question that challenges narrative and life history researchers, including the authors in this book. What is the purpose of our narratives? What work is it we hope they will do? It is here that I find the words of C. Wright Mills helpful, who says:
This is what he calls the sociological imagination, explaining: âThe sociological imagination enables us to grasp history and biography and the relations between the two within societyâ (Wright Mills 1959: 12).
However, whilst the connections he makes between biography, history and society are an important touchstone, which is shared by numerous narrative and life history researchers (for example Chase 2005; Goodson 2007; Plummer 2001, and Waller and Brine in this volume), a key aspect of narrative inquiry is also that it is concerned with what Denzin (2008) calls âlittle scienceâ. It concerns itself with the small, the local, the fragmented, historically emergent, contradictory and accidental.
While speaking truth to power may therefore include finding ways to make narrative inquiry heard by national and international policymakers, it may also involve what Casey (1995) describes as:
In the chapters that follow, what stands out clearly is that possibilities for social change need, at least in part, to be understood and conceived of through the small everyday acts of individuals, and the histories that have brought them to their present place. It is the narratives such as those presented here that get behind the ânow-nessâ of current policy-making, and offer not just a means of making some sense of our increasingly complex lives, but also glimpses of the possibilities that are realised in the everyday.
The chapters in this book
This volume starts with a chapter by Pat Sikes which addresses a major concern in narrative inquiry at the present time â the ethics of writing life histories and narratives. Sikes emphasises the responsibilities involved in narrating othersâ lives â the âheavy ethical burdenâ involved â and asks âwhat constitutes ethical research and writing practice?â In particular she stresses the power that is invested in the researcherâwriter who creates a particular version of reality, and how our own lives, beliefs and values are implicated in our practices, so that we have a duty to explain our positionality in the context of the research.
This point is taken up by the authors of the subsequent chapters. Each of the chapters starts with a reflexive introduction, where the writers talk about their own life histories and identities and how they came to write their chapter, providing a personal contextualisation for the narrative/life history which follows. At the end of each chapter, the authors reflect on the professional and research implications of the narratives they have presented. But this does not mean that the authors all approach life history...