Crisis Intervention and Crisis Management

Strategies that Work in Schools and Communities

Rosemary A. Thompson

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2004
• ISBN:
  9781135944452
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Education Counseling

This book discusses steps helping professionals should take in order to prepare for a crisis in their schools and community. The author introduces a Crisis Management Plan, which discusses ways to restore a school/community to its pre-crisis equilibrium. The author also includes information on how schools should talk to media personnel and parents in times of a crisis, checklists, assessment instruments, and sample documentation forms that can be used in times of a crisis.

Chapter 1
Glimpse of Terrorist Acts Both International and Domestic

INTERNATIONAL THREATS

International terrorist acts committed in the United States are not unique to our recent past. Concern has grown, however, during the last 2 decades over increased terrorist activities in the Middle East, particularly suicide bombings, and the deep involvement of the United States in Middle East peace negotiations. That the United States has become a target for terrorists was tragically demonstrated by the bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993 and, again, when commercial airline planes that were hijacked by terrorists on September 11, 2001, destroyed its twin towers. These acts and the related hijacked plane crash into the Pentagon on the same day, as well as earlier attacks and attempted attacks on U.S. targets, demonstrate that the United States must take the security of its people more seriously. Terrorism will be the legacy of the twentieth century. This never-ending conflict will ultimately dominate the political landscape.

DOMESTIC THREATS

In addition, researchers from the U.S. Secret Service and the U.S. Department of Education have completed a detailed analysis of 37 school shootings. Official arrest data offer an obvious means of determining the extent of youth violence. Indeed, a surge in arrests for violent crimes marked what is now recognized as an epidemic of youth violence from 1983 to 1993. Arrests were driven largely by the rapid proliferation of firearm use by adolescents who engage in violent acts. These confrontations often produced serious or lethal injuries, resulting in more severe criminal charges.

Today, with fewer young people carrying weapons, including guns, to school and elsewhere than in the early 1990s, violent encounters are less likely to result in homicide and serious injury and therefore are less likely to draw the attention of police. By 1999, arrest rates for homicide, rape, and robbery had all dropped below 1983 rates. In contrast, arrest rates for aggravated assault remained higher than they were in 1983, having declined only 24% from the peak rates of 1994.

Confidential surveys find that 10 to 15% of high school seniors report having committed an act of serious violence in recent years. These acts typically do not come to the attention of police, in part because they are less likely to involve firearms than in previous years. Over the last 2 decades, self-reported violence by high school seniors increased nearly 50%, a trend similar to that found in arrests for violent crimes. But this percentage has not declined in the years since 1993—it remains at peak levels.

Childhood risk factors for violence in adolescence include involvement in serious (but not necessarily violent) criminal acts and substance use before puberty, being male, aggressiveness, low family socioeconomic status/ poverty, and antisocial parents—all either individual or family risk factors. The influence of family is largely supplanted in adolescence by peer influences; thus, risk factors with the largest predictive effects in adolescence include having weak social ties, having ties to antisocial or delinquent peers, and belonging to a gang. Having committed serious (but not necessarily violent) criminal offenses is also an important risk factor in adolescence.

PREVENTION STRATEGIES

Early Warning, Timely Response: A Guide to Safe Schools (Dwyer, Osher & Warger, 1998) also includes a warning not to jump to conclusions about students who may fit a specific profile or who possess a set of early warning indicators. The document, which was written in part by the National Association of School Psychologists, calls for school officials to use the following principles to ensure that early warning signs are not misinterpreted:

• Do no harm. Get help for the child; don’t use the early warning signs as a rationale to exclude, isolate, or punish. Instead, as federal law requires, qualified professionals must give individualized evaluations and make recommendations on how to deal with the troubled child.
• Understand violence and aggression within their context. Violent and aggressive behavior as an expression of emotion may have many antecedent factors, and certain environments can set it off. If a child does not have adequate coping skills, he or she may react with aggression.
• Avoid stereotypes. Race, socioeconomic status, cognitive or academic ability, or physical appearance is a false cue of how a child may act. In fact, such stereotypes can unfairly harm children, especially when the school community acts upon them.
• View warning signs within a development context. Youths at different levels of development have different emotional and social capabilities. Know what is developmentally typical behavior so that those behaviors are not misinterpreted.
• Understand that children typically exhibit multiple warning signs. Research confirms that most children who are troubled and at risk for aggression exhibit more than one warning sign, with more intensity over time. Thus, it is important not to overreact to single signs, words, or actions.

Warning Signs

Dwyer, Osher, and Wagner (1998) maintain that it is not always possible to predict behavior that will lead to violence. And, they say, none of these signs alone is sufficient for predicting aggression and violence. The early warning signs are offered only as an aid in identifying and referring children who may need help. They are not equally significant, nor are they presented in the order of seriousness. However, they include

• Social withdrawal and an excessive feeling of isolation. Gradual and eventual complete withdrawal from social contacts can be an important indicator of a troubled child.
• Extreme feelings of rejection. Troubled children are often isolated from their peers. They may seek out aggressive friends who reinforce their violent tendencies.
• Being a victim of violence. Physical or sexual abuse may make some children at risk for becoming violent toward others.
• Feelings of being picked on and persecuted. Being constantly picked on, teased, bullied, or singled out for ridicule and humiliation may cause a youth to vent these feelings in inappropriate ways—including aggression or violence.
• Low school interest and poor academic performance. It is important to assess emotional and cognitive reasons for changes in academic performance to determine the true nature of the problem.
• Expression of violence in writings and drawings. Many children produce work about violent themes that for the most part is harmless when taken in context. But an overrepresentation of violence in writings and drawings directed consistently at specific individuals could signal emotional problems that could lead to violence. However, there is a real danger of misdiagnosing this type of sign, and professional guidance—such as from a school psychologist—would be needed in this situation.
• Uncontrolled anger. Anger that is expressed frequently and intensely in response to minor irritants may signal potential violent behavior.
• A history of discipline problems. Chronic behavioral and disciplinary problems in school and at home may suggest that underlying emotional needs are not being met. These problems could set the stage for aggressive behavior.
• A past history of violent and aggressive behavior. Unless provided with support and counseling, a youth who has a history of aggressive or violent behavior is likely to continue those behaviors. Children who engage in aggression and drug abuse before age 12, for example, are more likely to show violence later on, than are children who begin such behavior at an older age.
• Intolerance for differences and prejudicial attitudes that may lead to violence against those who are perceived to be different.
• Drug and alcohol use. These actions expose youths to violence, either as perpetrators or victims or both.
• Affiliation with gangs. Youths who join gangs or emulate their behavior may adopt violence-related values and react violently in certain situations.
• Inappropriate access to, possession of, and use of firearms. Children and youths who inappropriately possess or have access to firearms can have an increased risk for violence—and a higher probability of becoming victims.
• Serious threats of violence. Although idle threats are common responses to frustration, one of the most reliable indicators that a youth is likely to commit a dangerous act toward self or others is a detailed and specific threat to use violence. Recent incidents across the country clearly indicate that threats to commit violence against oneself or others should be taken very seriously. Steps must be taken to understand the nature of these threats and to prevent them from being carried out (Dwyer, Osher, & Warger, 1998).

The Final Report and Findings of the Safe School Initiative: Implications for the Prevention of School Attacks in the United States (2002) found the following characteristics of “school shooters”:

Characteristics of Attacker

There is no accurate or useful “profile” of students who engaged in targeted school violence. The attackers came from a variety of family situations, ranging from intact families with numerous ties to the community to foster homes with histories of neglect.

Peer Relationships

Attackers also varied in the types of social relationships they had established, ranging from socially isolated to popular among their peers.

Disciplinary Problems

Attackers’ histories of disciplinary problems at school varied. Some attackers had no observed behavioral problems, whereas others had multiple behaviors warranting reprimand and/or discipline.

Academic Performance

Most attackers showed no marked change in academic performance, friendship patterns, interests in school, or school disciplinary problems prior to their attack.

Bullying and Harassment

Many attackers felt bullied, picked on, persecuted, threatened, attacked, or injured by others prior to the incident.

Mental Well-Being

A history of having been the subject of a mental health evaluation, diagnosed with a mental disorder, or involved in substance abuse did not appear to be prevalent among attackers. However, some attackers showed some history of suicidal attempts or thoughts, or a history of feeling extreme depression or desperation.

Violence

Over half of the attackers demonstrated some interest in violence, through movies, video games, books, and other media. However, there was not one common type of interest in violence indicated. Instead, the attackers’ interest in violent themes took various forms. Most attackers had no history of prior violent or criminal behavior.

Loss

Most attackers were known to have had difficulty coping with significant losses or personal failures. Moreover, many had considered or attempted suicide.

Planning

Incidents of targeted violence at school rarely are sudden, impulsive acts. Some attackers developed their plans on the day of their attack or only 1 or 2 days prior; others developed their plans between 6 and 8 months prior to the attack.

Revenge

Revenge was a motive for more than half of the attackers. Other motives included trying to solve a problem, suicide or desperation, and efforts to get attention or recognition. In addition, most attackers held some sort of grievance at the time of the attack, either against their target(s) or against someone else.

Prior Knowledge

Many attackers told other people about these grievances prior to the attacks. Prior to most incidents, other people knew about the attackers idea(s), plan to attack, or both. In most cases, other people knew about the attack before it took place. Some peers knew exactly what the attacker planned to do; others knew something “big” or “bad” was going to happen, and in several cases knew the time and date it was to occur.

No Prior Threats

Most attackers did not threaten their targets directly prior to advancing the attack. The majority of the attackers did not threaten their target(s) directly.

Complacent Concern

Most attackers engaged in some behavior prior to the incident that caused others concern or indicated a call for help. Almost all of the attackers en-gaged in some behavior prior to the attack that caused others, such as school officials, parents, teachers, police, and fellow students, to be concerned. In most cases, at least one adult was concerned by the attackers’ behavior.

Peer Pressure

Many attackers were influenced or encouraged by others to engage in the attacks. Nearly half of the attackers were influenced by other individuals in deciding to mount an attack, dared or encouraged by others to attack, or both.

Intervention

Despite prompt law enforcement responses, most attacks were stopped by means other than law enforcement intervention. Most school-based attacks stopped through intervention by school adminstrators, educators, and students, or by the attacker stopping their own violent behavior.

All these characteristics have implications for school policy, campus security, school climate, and collective communication between schools and communities, children and families.

PREVENTION EFFORTS

Many school districts throughout the nation are training their teachers how to recognize and respond to early warning signs. Teachers and school personnel are also receiving instructions on how to react during a school crisis. These lessons range from calling 911 before calling the district superintendent, to learning how to disarm an intruder, to holding mock crises and drills, such as hostage-taking, to prepare for what could be the inevitable (Portner, 1998). Other schools and districts are using metal detectors, drug tests, dress codes, and uniforms; have taken out lockers; and insist that all book bags and backpacks be made of see-through material. Others have gone so far as to close faculty restrooms, which increases the presence of teachers in the students’ restrooms. These are all punitive measures that make schools seem more like schools-as-institutions rather than schools-as-communities. Although many of these actions are controversial, providing violence-prevention programs, counseling for potentially violent students, and emotional support for survivors can only strengthen the nation’s resolve to keep schools safe for our children.

PROGRAM SUMMARY:

Generally, this program requires that students in unsafe situations be allowed to transfer to other, safer, public schools. Specifically, transfers must be allowed for two reasons: (1) when...

Table of contents

• COVER PAGE
• TITLE PAGE
• COPYRIGHT PAGE
• PREFACE
• ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
• CHAPTER 1: GLIMPSE OF TERRORIST ACTS BOTH INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC
• CHAPTER 2: CRISES,CRITICAL INCIDENTS,DISASTERS,AND TERRORISM FUNDAMENTAL EMOTIONAL REACTIONS FROM A DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE
• CHAPTER 3: CRISIS INTERVENTION AND CRISIS MANAGEMENT FIRST-RESPONSE PROCEDURES
• CHAPTER 4: CRITICAL INCIDENTS AND FIRST-RESPONSE PROCEDURES
• CHAPTER 5: DISASTERS AND FIRST-RESPONSE PROCEDURES
• CHAPTER 6: STRATEGIES FOR THE RESOLUTION OF GRIEF AND LOSS
• CHAPTER 7: DEBRIEFING SURVIVORS AFTER A CRISIS,A DISASTER, OR A CRITICAL INCIDENT
• CHAPTER 8: ACTIVITIES FOR CHILDREN AND ADOLESCENTS TO PROCESS LOSS AND GRIEF
• CHAPTER 9: SAMPLE POLICIES TO PREVENT LEGAL LIABILITY AND TO USE FOR ASSESSMENTS AND AS SCREENING INSTRUMENTS
• CHAPTER 10: COMPASSION FATIGUE THE PROFESSIONAL CONSEQUENCES OF CARING TOO MUCH
• REFERENCE