Indentity, Religion And Values

Implications For Practitioners

C. Margaret Hall

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781135058937
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Psychology
• Subtopic: Psychotherapy Counselling
• Index: Psychology

This handbook for clinicians focuses on the impact of religion and spirituality on the client, using the clinical sociological theory of identity empowerment. The ten concepts of this theory show how identity can be expressed in value choices: self; dyad; triad; family; religion; definition of the situation; reference group; class culture; and society. The professor includes case studies and strategies for intervention at the end of each cahpter.

Chapter 1

Introduction

As mentioned in the preface, this book is meant to be a handbook for clinicians and practitioners as well as a tool for students. Its central focus is how individuals and groups strengthen their identities through making deliberate value choices (Hall, 1990a). This main theme is illustrated by the substantive, structural, and process concerns about identity and religion that predictably arise when clinicians empower individuals or groups through strengthening the effectiveness of their interaction within and among communities (Glassner & Freedman, 1979). For example, marital discord can be clarified and reduced by orienting partners to their respective priorities and belief systems. Ideally, these kinds of clinical interventions eventually culminate in both individual and social benefits (Randour, 1993; Wuthnow, 1991).

This book addresses deep emotional aspects of identity and their relationships to religious and spiritual beliefs (Bowen, 1978). For example, individual assumptions about human nature are inextricably tied to beliefs about the universe. Furthermore, depth of religious commitment has been thought of as an aspect of primordial being (Tillich, 1952). Individuality, families, gender, social class, culture, and society are discussed as both starting points and contexts for understanding correlations between identity and religion (Hall, 1981), because everyday interaction and world views have significant influences on quality of life (Smith, 1987; Strunk, 1979). Related topics, such as ways in which religions define responsibilities and influence social change (Weber, 1958), are also discussed.

This book outlines new additions to clinical knowledge through specifying key generalizations, propositions, and value choices associated with identity and religious or spiritual belief systems and practices. For example, a social systems view of self is seen as critical to understanding and changing the self. This knowledge invites the construction of new approaches to clinical interventions, as well as to new ways to facilitate and promote individual or social changes (Kaufman, 1993). Widely shared survival or fulfillment concerns—such as the beliefs in supernatural powers reflected in diverse religions—are analyzed and discussed, and ultimately incorporated into clinical intervention techniques (Randour, 1993).

DATABASES

One of the most significant sources of empirical data for this book is a compilation of clients’ answers to series of open-ended questions from clinical and research interviews. The author has conducted more than 1,000 clinical and research interviews with individuals and families over the past 25 years. Life histories were constructed from longitudinal interviews—that is, sequences of regularly scheduled 1-hr interviews that extended over periods of time ranging from several weeks to a few years. The frequency of these meetings averaged about one interview every 2 weeks (Hall, 1990b).

Observations and specific probe questions were also used in collection of data. The author’s individual, family, and organizational practices in clinical sociology were primary settings for this documentation (Hall, 1990a, 1991). Although the clinical interviews necessarily dealt primarily with clients’ varied presenting problems, many value choices discussed related both directly and indirectly to identity and religion (Berger & Luckmann, 1967).

In addition to clinical interviews, the author conducted approximately 100 research interviews. These interviews focused solely on delineating influences of religious and spiritual beliefs in defining identity (Hall, 1986b, 1991). The interpersonal and structural research data collected in these interviews suggest correlations between individual and group identities and religions or beliefs (Mol, 1978). Community interventions through discussion groups, workshops, and retreats yielded further life history data, as well as increased opportunities to apply identity empowerment theory to issues of identity and religion and to develop viable clinical and intervention techniques.

Thus, this book derives from summations and distillations of life history data and facts related to interactive processes and social structures. The issue of whether individual contributions can have a lasting impact on social institutions and society is examined. The life history, organizational, community, and societal data suggest patterns and themes that show how individual and group identities are strengthened by making specific value choices, and how identities make a difference in patterns of social interaction and qualities of social life.

The data were also used to outline interdependencies among beliefs, values, social structures, and individual and group identities (Hall, 1991). Particular attention was given to data that suggest patterns of behavior associated with individual responsibilities, families, gender, social classes, cultures, and society, and thus clarify the already established “everydayness” of religious beliefs and practices (Berger & Luckmann, 1967; Lenski, 1961).

THEORETICAL SOURCES

This book has multiple theoretical sources. Religions themselves, in fact, can also be thought of as early or rudimentary forms of theorizing about the nature of the universe and the nature of human nature (Durkheim, 1915). For example, early Hinduism contained statements about the nature of individual and social being over long periods of time. In later historic periods, moral philosophy—a more secular, academic endeavor—was also much preoccupied with understanding the complexities surrounding these issues (Cooley, 1964; Mead, 1934).

Sociological theories (Macionis & Benokraitis, 1995) and Dr. Murray Bowen’s (1978) pioneering work in family systems theory are more recent theoretical sources of this book. The 10 concepts of identity empowerment theory—self, dyad, triad, family, religion, definition of the situation, reference group, class, culture, and society—form a frame of reference that links patterns of behavior and small group interaction with broad social processes and structures, as well as combines subjective and objective perspectives. (See the appendix to this book for a more detailed description of identity empowerment theory.)

Identity empowerment theory is a synthesis of structural-functional theory; conflict theory; and cultural theory, which includes symbolic interaction theories and interpretive sociology (Hall, 1990a). These three major theoretical paradigms emphasize the significance of social structures and functions, resources, and values, respectively, in determining individual and social behavior. Because identity empowerment theory is largely based on the premise that value choices can bring about substantial personal and social changes, deliberate selections of goals and ideals as effective strategies for modifying interpersonal relationships and social structures, as well as for improving individual and group functioning, are emphasized in this book (Hall, 1991).

From societal and sociological viewpoints, this book is based more on Weber’s theory of meaningful social action than on Marx’s materialism (Macionis & Benokraitis, 1995). More attention is given to ideals than to economic assets. Values and symbols—which are central components of symbolic interaction theories, interpretive sociology, and cultural theory—are also examined in the analyses of decision making and behavior related to identity and beliefs (Cooley, 1964; McNamara, 1992; Mead, 1934).

METHODOLOGY

To collect sufficient life history data from more than 1,000 individuals and families, the author conducted regularly scheduled weekly, biweekly, or monthly longitudinal interviews over periods of time ranging from a few weeks to several years. Many of the questions asked in these interviews were open-ended, including follow-up probe queries to yield more intimate details of family and interpersonal functioning. Each interview lasted approximately 1 hr, and the author was the only person to conduct the series of individual and family interviews.

The author constructed ethnographies of several organizations and documented specific social and community interventions. Different kinds of discussion groups provided additional sources of life history data, as well as opportunities to observe varied patterns of interaction. In all cases, individual and social interventions were planned and observed, and their impacts on individuals, organizations, and communities were assessed.

Experiential data were also gathered through participant observation, in which the author essentially became a member of ongoing exchanges in families and other kinds of social and community discussion groups. In addition, everyday, informal settings were used to determine patterns of interaction within and among social classes, and to make broad institutional analyses. The social data were combined with the life history data from clinical and research interviews to more fully document the scope and complexity of issues related to identity and religion or belief systems.

Secondary analyses of relevant research findings were used to conceptualize additional critical aspects of interdependencies between identity and religion. Where patterns in data were sufficiently consistent, these data were used as sources for formulating the 10 basic concepts of identity empowerment theory. These concepts not only formed a theoretical base for examining identity and religion, but also guided further collection of data. In this way, theories and methods became essentially interchangeable in the author’s quest to make effective clinical interventions through defining identity in relation to religion and other belief systems.

IDENTITY EMPOWERMENT THEORY

Identity empowerment theory explains some of the complex substantive connections between self and society. Its 10 basic concepts assess human dependencies and relationships to social institutions. Propositions based on identity empowerment theory suggest clinical strategies to improve the functioning of individuals and groups whereby clients make clearer and more decisive value commitments for themselves.

Identity empowerment theory is based on the premise that personal and social identities both derive from social sources and have social consequences. Religions can be thought of as critically important composites of values and ideals, which may become goals and objectives for individuals or groups who are working toward being effective moral agents in the complex interplay of society and history (Hall, 1991).

Family emotional interdependencies frequently limit individual functioning (Bowen, 1978); similarly, any emotional system may inhibit individual and group functioning. However, value choices made in accordance with religions or belief systems can increase motivations to discover ways out of these restrictive social influences. Furthermore, values derived from religions or belief systems can provide the means to increase social mobility, as well as to reinforce individual and group status.

Identity empowerment theory is a broad base of interrelated concepts from which central ideas related to identity and religion or belief systems can be examined. Ultimately, identity and religion need to be thought of, and acted upon, within the contexts or perspectives of community, society, history, and evolution (Ashbrook, 1993). It is for this reason that identity empowerment theory is a meaningful frame of reference for such examinations of identity and religion. Identity may be best understood as a result of value choices about ultimate realities and definitions of the universe (Progoff, 1985). By contrast, secular world views, although important and significant in their own right, all too often prove to be unnecessarily limiting for the purpose of successfully and effectively empowering identities (Appleyard, 1993).

Identity empowerment is possible because both identity and human behavior are expressions of specific kinds of orderliness in the universe (Mead, 1934). These facts make identity empowerment theory a sufficiently predictable basis with regard to formulations of strategies for clinical interventions. Both individual and collective behavior are strongly influenced by values or qualities that have been automatically or decisively incorporated into identities (Mol, 1987). Therefore, to change behavior, changing the kinds of values selected and integrated into identities is essential (Hall, 1990a). In fact, making value choices is one of the most dependable means to increase individual and social mobility, and to make other individual and social changes (Martin, 1990). Furthermore, this strategy is frequently more effective in accomplishing change than only trying to change behavior (Hall, 1991).

CLINICAL INTERVENTIONS

Communities mediate influences and patterns of behavior that result from interactions between individuals and society (Clark, 1990). To understand the impact of historical changes on identity and religion, one must first conceptualize the impact of communities on individuals and society (Glassner & Freedman, 1979). Such perspectives on individuals and societies enable clinicians to make effective interpersonal changes. This broad approach provides more meaningful contexts for clinical interventions than the relatively restricted intrapsychic or behavioral frames of reference conventionally used by many clinicians (Bowen, 1978).

Adequate theoretical sources, life history and behavioral data, and reliable methodologies are all necessary components of successful clinical interventions. Furthermore, a scientific model of knowledge can increase accuracy, purpose, and direction in clinical efforts, including those that focus on identity and religion (Bowen, 1978). Although random efforts to understand and change behavior may prove to be effective in the short run, when theories and methodologies are deliberately applied to understanding and changing complex constellations of behavior, more consistent and more lasting clinical results are predictably accomplished (Bowen, 1978).

Religion is at the core of many different kinds of communities, in that beliefs and values form the substance of social consensus and legitimation (Hechter et al., 1993); this is particularly true of preliterate societies and early biblical periods. To the extent that identities are considered in relation to religions and value choices, clients are more meaningfully connected or bonded with their values (Progoff, 1985). When sufficient numbers of individual changes have been implemented, community and societal changes inevitably result (Glassner & Freedman, 1979). Thus, individual and group identities can be catalysts for broad social changes. Furthermore, selecting those values that essentially make up religious and social ideals can serve to keep individuals and communities connected with broad social institutions and trends (Jung, 1933).

Clinical strategies that link religion and identity empower individuals as members of communities (Hall, 1991). Clinicians benefit from familiarizing themselves with broad theoretical bases; knowing and applying these concepts enables them to play more significant and more effective professional roles in facilitating clients’ individual changes (Glassner & Freedman, 1979).

RELIGION, SPIRITUALITY, AND EMPOWERMENT

By using their own specific terms, religions divide beliefs and behaviors into categories of good and evil, as well as categories of sacred and banal or profane (Durkheim, 1915; Warner, 1993). For example, totemic beliefs frequently revolve around these dichotomies. The power of religions or belief systems as motivating forces is evident at both individual and group levels of interaction, and both sacred and secular powers need to be assessed in understanding the influence of religion on behavior (Hess, 1991). For example, when people believe that they are doing what is right in the eyes of their God, they can transcend many harsh daily realities (Schumaker, 1992).

Both religion and spirituality—that is, less formalized beliefs in supernatural powers that encourage contemplative action—are motivators for the attainment of goals that may at first appear impossible to achieve. (See Chapters 5 and 7 for more information.) Religion and spirituality are also powerful sources of inspiration, in that their universal, ultimate dimensions open up myriad possibilities for being and doing (Tillich, 1952). For example, new world views are derived from religious and spiritual beliefs, as well as new views of human nature (Strunk, 1979). Religions can put lives into perspectives that include acknowledgments of ultimate concerns, as well as other critical dimensions of more universal experiences (Hess, 1991). Religions and spirituality allow people and things to be seen in a new light, broaden thinking, and promote considerations of individual lives and actions from transcendental viewpoints (Schumaker, 1992).

Unlike religion, spirituality emphasizes individual devotion and enlightenment, even though this awareness may also connect individuals to the universe and to other human beings (James, 1969). Mystics and contemplatives are models for people who want to lead spiritual lives (Teilhard de Chardin, 1965), and spirituality may be thought of as the essence of enlightened everyday behavior (Ashbrook, 1993; Hall, 1986b; Spretnak, 1982).

Sometimes the routes to becoming ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Acknowledgments
• Preface
• Chapter 1 Introduction
• Chapter 2 Setting the Scene
• Chapter 3 The Individual and Religion
• Chapter 4 Society and Religion
• Chapter 5 Families and Religion
• Chapter 6 Gender and Religion
• Chapter 7 Social Class and Religion
• Chapter 8 Culture and Religion
• Chapter 9 Responsibility and Religion
• Chapter 10 Social Change and Religion
• Chapter 11 Identity and Religion
• Chapter 12 Conclusions
• References
• Appendix: Identity Empowerment Theory
• Index