Part I
Background CHAPTER 1
Explaining children as researchers
We have a responsibility with regard to the way we exercise power: we must not lose the idea that we could exercise it differently.
Ewald (1992: 334)
Introduction
Research relating to the lives of children is changing. Over the past two decades, there has been a significant shift away from children being the objects of adult-led research towards them taking up less passive roles â it is now increasingly common for children to act as research participants or as co-researchers. This more active involvement, however, has almost always meant children working on research projects that are conceived and led by adults. Rarely has their participation meant taking part from beginning to end, and the roles they have been allowed to adopt have often typified the imbalances of power that can exist between adults and children in collaborative research. The movement to develop children as âactiveâ researchers (Kellett, 2003) helps to address these inevitable power inequalities, creating a new role for children in social research and giving them a voice. This introductory chapter draws briefly on the literature in order to set a theoretical context for this change and then offers a general overview of âchildren as researchersâ (CaRs) initiatives.
Background
The increased involvement of children in research and CaRs initiatives have been conceived in a theoretical context that, for more than 20 years, has seen considerable debate concerning the status of children and the increasing emphasis on childrenâs rights. Two particular factors have provided the impetus for this debate.
The first has been the shift in Western societies towards acknowledging children as social actors in their own right rather than as the passive products of adult influences (Qvortrup, 1994; James and Prout, 1997). Positioned as incomplete, incompetent and needy, children have traditionally enjoyed little autonomy and few independent rights (Christensen and Prout, 2005). Despite this, children frequently take on responsibilities in caring or volunteering roles, both within the family and in their communities, highlighting instead how adults might come to be dependent on children (see, for example, Lister, 2006; Tarapdar, 2007). Similarly, research refutes the notion of childrenâs innocence. It demonstrates that not only are children of primary school age aware of community, national and global issues, including racism, violence, poverty, terrorism and substance abuse but also that they would like to be better informed and more involved in helping to solve problems (Holden, 2006; Taylor et al., 2008). UK Government policy initiatives, however, continue to emphasise childrenâs dependency on their parents, idealising childhood as a time of innocence (Such and Walker, 2005), and thus demonstrate a lack of engagement with the realities of many childrenâs lives in the UK today (Hill et al., 2004).
The second factor has been the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) (United Nations, 1989). This was ratified by the UK Government in 1991. Two of the Conventionâs four âguiding principlesâ encompass childrenâs right for their best interests to be a primary consideration for policy and decision makers, and the right of children to participate. Childrenâs participation rights, as set out in Articles 12 and 13, include the right of children to voice their opinions on activities and decisions which shape their lives, and the right of children to receive and share information in different ways. By adding participation rights to childrenâs traditional rights to protection from neglect and abuse and to the provision of goods and services, the UNCRC has influenced the way in which the status of children is perceived and means that traditional notions of childhood are no longer tenable.
Despite this, the Convention has yet to be incorporated directly into UK law. Indeed, after receiving the third of the UKâs mandatory regular reports on its progress in implementing the precepts of the Convention, the UN Committee made 124 recommendations highlighting areas where the Government was failing to meet its obligations. It was pointed out, for example, that there was still no strategic framework in place to ensure that the principles of the Convention underpinned policy and practice. It is also significant that the UK Government was advised to:
⌠strengthen its efforts, to ensure that all of the provisions of the Convention are widely known and understood by adults and children alike inter alia by including the Convention in statutory national curriculum and ensuring that its principles and values are integrated into the structures and practice of all schools.
United Nations (2008: Observation 21)
In view of this recommendation, it is interesting to note that, although Article 42 of the UNCRC requires governments to make its provisions known to both adults and children, the Government had previously ignored the Council of Europeâs recommendation that childrenâs rights should be included in the Citizenship curriculum (Howe and Covell, 2005).
Childrenâs rights to participate, to express opinions and to be heard are, in any case, generally mediated through adults (Wyness, 2006). As Wyness and colleagues (2004) explain, it is not that children lack competence, but that they have not been provided with opportunities to express their opinions on social and political issues. Wyness and his colleagues suggest that opportunities allowing children to acquire the skills they need in this respect are more likely to succeed at a local level. However, although schools would seem ideally placed to provide such spaces, the rights discourse in the context of education focuses primarily on childrenâs collective rights to education rather than on childrenâs experiences within the system itself. Here, children are positioned as subordinate to adults, who control their time, space and interaction (Mayall, 2000; Devine, 2002). Indeed, Prout (2001) suggests that policy initiatives in schools (and elsewhere) would be more effective if childrenâs active role in producing âlocal realitiesâ was acknowledged. Children, he argues, need to be viewed as occupying a position within a net-like system of relationships rather than being seen to occupy a lowly position in a more traditional hierarchical model of associations.
Positioning children in research
Perceptions of children as incompetent and unreliable have led to their being deemed incapable of understanding research processes, of making decisions about participating and of providing âtruthfulâ data about their experiences (Hogan, 2005; Morrow, 2005). The adult researcher has thus been seen as the powerful âexpertâ (Woodhead and Faulkner, 2008), and the notion that adultsâ knowledge of children is superior has been recognised as a factor in sustaining unequal adultâchild relations (Robinson and Kellett, 2004).) Nevertheless, adult researchers can be guilty of misunderstanding, misrepresenting and sometimes disregarding childrenâs perspectives, particularly when these conflict with the researcherâs own experiences, interests and interpretations (Fielding, 2001a; Woodhead and Faulkner, 2008). Furthermore, the use of categorisation schemes imposed by adult researchers during data generation and analysis can result in children having othersâ interpretations imposed upon them. Consequently, childrenâs own voices are silenced (Grover, 2004).
Despite developments in social research which acknowledge child participants as competent social actors, doubts about their competencies are still seen as barriers to childrenâs participation in research. Furthermore, because these doubts measure children against the competent adult norm, they act as barriers to research training for children. Although Uprichard (2008: 305; emphasis added) argues reasonably that âchildren and adults can be competent or incompetent depending on what they are faced withâ, research methodology has traditionally been considered too difficult for children to learn and to implement (Kellett, 2005a).
However, Alderson (2000) notes that, as co-researchers, children have displayed levels of competence which have surprised adult researchers. Kellett (2005b: 9) argues that the attributes of researchers âare not synonymous with being an adultâ, pointing out that it is childrenâs lack of research skills that imposes a barrier to their carrying out research, not their lack of adult status. She proposes that with careful training and the use of innovative approaches, it is possible for young children (and children of different abilities) to become researchers in their own right. Indeed, Kellett (2003, 2005a) refers to several projects successfully carried out and completed by 9- and 10-year-old children who have received this type of training, whereas Frost (2007) and others (Taylor with Sheargold, unpublished) have facilitated research projects in a comparable way with children up to 3 years younger. With similar support, a group of young people with learning disabilities directed their own 3-year research project, WeCan2 (Aoslin et al., 2008).
Childrenâs successful experiences in such participative practices lead not only to increased competence but also to increased confidence, both of which encourage more effective future participation. In turn, this leads to an increased sense of autonomy and independence. Limited autonomy, on the other hand, engenders âlearned helplessnessâ, especially in contexts where children feel that their access to decision making is limited or where their decisions are likely to be over-ruled.
Programmes that facilitate childrenâs independent and active research contribute to the growing number of voice and participation initiatives. An emphasis on children being afforded ownership of their own research agendas offers the possibility of children researching significant issues which relate to their lives both within school and also outside it, providing the means by which adult understandings of children and childhood can be improved. Although Kellett (2005a: 2) argues that this will âunlockâ childrenâs voices, interpretations of childrenâs voices continue to be problematic. From some viewpoints at least, although the status of the child may have changed, current understandings of what âvoiceâ entails, the reasons it might be sought and the contexts in which children and young people might be able to express their views all influence whether or not their voices are heard and listened to in meaningful ways.
Wynessâ (2006: 210) observation that Article 12 encourages âtop-down controlâ is pertinent here. Adults have the power to decide whether individual children are capable of forming their own views and how much weight can be given to them. Since this mirrors the traditional hierarchical power relationships found between adults and children, especially in school, it is not surprising that, for many schools, engaging childrenâs voices in active and meaningful ways remains a challenge (Leitch and Mitchell, 2007). Failure to take up the challenge, however, does not always indicate resistance to its possibilities. As Leitch and Mitchell (2007: 53) point out, it may simply be that schools do not know where to start and what conditions are necessary for authentic engagement. So, although much is made of the gap between the ârhetoric and the realityâ of âpupil voiceâ, their suggestion that âthe realityâ can be substituted by âa schoolâs readiness for genuine student involvementâ seems a positive one.
Children as researchers
Rather than being the passive focus of adult-led research, children as âactiveâ researchers (Kellett, 2003) have a new role. This role does not involve children taking on tasks as co-researchers in adult-led projects, nor does it involve children in what is usually referred to as âresearchâ in primary schools, whereby pupils use secondary sources to investigate what is already known about topics that are often chosen by their teachers. Instead, this new role involves children carrying out self-directed empirical research from inception to dissemination â research by children, not research with or on children â which relates to issues that they, not adults, have identified as significant in their lives.
The innovative Childrenâs Research Centre (CRC) at the Open University, UK, has been instrumental in prompting such developments. It was set up in 2004 following successful pilot studies with two cohorts of children in English primary schools (Kellett, 2003). Since then, the CRC has seen a steady increase in the number of schools and other organisations engaging in CaRs initiatives. This growing interest in child-led research in schools is not confined to the UK and is particularly evident in Ireland, Australia, mainland Europe and the Scandinavian countries. A recent 3-year European Commission project, co-ordinated by Bergen University College in Norway, for example, involved educational institutions from seven European countries (Belgium, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden, Turkey and the UK) and focused on increasing the capacity for young researchers by offering training to teachers. Hacettepe University in Turkey is also currently developing work in this area.
In the early days, CRC initiatives were directly managed by university academics, sometimes with the support of school staff. More recently, a growing number of schools have indicated that they would like to take this on for themselves. In many cases, CRC has been responsible for training adults, whether this has taken place alongside the training delivered to pupils or, for example, at regional workshops. Schoolsâ research groups can range in size from as few as four children to as many as twenty and, whereas some research groups meet during curriculum time, others form clubs that meet during lunch breaks or after school (Bucknall, 2005, 2009). The CRC programme takes about two school terms to complete, and typically runs from October to May.
Key principles of CRC initiatives are the elements of choice and control. It is important that children are allowed to make informed choices to take part in the programme rather than having the programme imposed on them, and they should be allowed to choose their own research topics, basing these on issues which relate strongly to their personal interests and experiences. They should also be allowed to choose how they would like to work, whether this is individually, in pairs or in a small group. The process is supported rather than managed (Bucknall, 2005, 2009; Kellett, 2010), with children assuming control of their own research projects. For the adults working with the children, whether these are the childrenâs teachers, teaching assistants or parents, this often means being willing and able to take on a role which is rather different from the one they more usually adopt, one which is akin to that of a âresearch assistantâ (a title young researchers often choose to confer). Through sensitively judged facilitation, young researchers develop a sense of ownership which, in turn, provides the motivation they need to persevere with necessarily lengthy projects, empowers them as researchers and leads to the production of new knowledge and understanding about childrenâs lives. As Devine concludes from her own research on relationships in primary schools:
⌠where adultâchild, teacherâpupil relations are framed in terms of voice, belonging and active participation, children will be empowered to define and understand themselves as individuals with the capacity to act and exercise their voice in a meaningful manner on matters of concern to them.
Devine (2002: 307)
Summary
This introductory chapter has offered a necessarily brief digest of the literature as it relates to the development of initiatives which seek to engage children as self-directed social researchers. These initiatives have developed as a response to the inevitable power inequalities that are present in adult-led research on or with children and to the perceived lack of childrenâs own voices in research about their lives. Children as researchers, or âyoung researchersâ as they are more usually referred to in this book, control their own studies from inception to dissemination. Their social research differs from âresearchâ as it is normally conceived of in schools, which is concerned with finding out what is already known. Instead, it generates original knowledge relating to issues which children themselves identify as significant in their lives. The view that children do not have the competencies needed to engage in this process is the cause of some debate, yet competence in this context is not related to age. It is reliant on the acquisition of skills and knowledge which adults, by sensitively facilitating childrenâs training and support, can scaffold for children.
Accounting for the theoretical context in which CaRs initiatives are located sets the stage not only for the exploration of a model for good practice in the next chapter but also for Part II of this book. This explains the concepts underlying the different stages of the research process and suggests how practitioners can help their own young researchers to develop the understanding and skills they need in order to take charge of their own research studies.
CHAPTER 2
Developing a model for good practice
Hmm, National Curriculum thinking. Weâve lost sight a little bit of getting the children to think a bit more. I always feel there are opportunities where the children have expressed an interest in something but you just donât have the time to say, âHold on, letâs put the brakes on and just let you work with this.â I just donât think we have the opportunities to do that, or perhaps weâve just lost the courage to do it.
Nigel, class teacher
Introduction
2009 saw the completion of a 4-year in-depth study of the experiences of young researchers in English primary schools (Bucknall, 2009). Before this, there had been no systematic evaluation of programmes designed to deliver research training to children of this age and to support them while they carried out their own social research. Nevertheless, substanti...