Understanding Pupil Behaviour in School

A Diversity of Approaches

Janice Wearmouth, Ted Glynn, Robin C. Richmond, Mere Berryman

• Publisher: David Fulton Publishers
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781136606014
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Education General

The expert contributors to this book make sense of the different approaches to understanding pupil behavior in schools, providing a comprehensive overview thorough discussion of key topics. The book covers:

* Cultural issues such as ethnic diversity and the underachievement of boys

* Psychological perspectives, including a range of behavioral models

* Medical conditions, including AD/HD and autism

* Sociological issues, specifically the challenges of including pupils whose behavior is hard to manage.

Chapter 1

Understanding student behaviour in schools

Janice Wearmouth and Bushra Connors

Introduction

Professionals' views of the root cause of students' behaviour have considerable influence over how behaviour considered as problematic is addressed. For example, there is considerable research evidence to suggest that teachers' ways of thinking about, and emotional reactions to, behaviour perceived as disturbing bear a strong relation to their 'intentional' and 'actual behaviour' (Poulou and Norwich, 2002, p. 111). Internationally there is a drive towards the inclusion of all students in mainstream education. It is crucial, therefore, to consider wavs of viewing student behaviour that can both enable all students to derive the maximum benefit from their education and add to and support a sense of professionalism among teachers and other educators.

Clearly, the behaviour of a student whose interactions in classrooms are often disruptive to the education of peers might be interpreted in a wide variety of ways and we discuss a number of common interpretations. However, in this chapter our major focus is a view of the human mind as dependent on its evolution within a social context and that context as highly influential in shaping children's thinking and providing a cultural toolkit' (Burner/ 1996) for organising meaning in ways that can be communicated to others. We outline a number of interpretations of behaviour and relate them to particular psychological models which we view as cultural constructs, not as universal givens. The assumptions associated with these models Eire important because they have been used to underpin much of the provision and/or interventions that have been devised in the area of student behaviour management.

Common explanations

in scnools teacners are surrounaea by aiixerent Kmas or explanations ror student behaviour, some of which cart be detrimental to active engagement with students' best interests ('Watkins and Waener. 2000). Common explanations include:

'They're that sort of person'
'They're not very bright'
'It's just a tiny minority'
'It's their age'
'This is a difficult neighbourhood'

(Watkins and Wagner, 2000, p. 3)

'That sort of person' is a classic deficit model of the person. The use of 'prevalent stereotypes' is problematic in a number of ways (Watkins and Wagner, 2000), It is inadequate to explain the behaviour of the individual student and can be used to justify the school abnegating its responsibility for the welfare and progress of the individual student.

'They're not very bright' implies an innate lack of ability in certain students and therefore justifies some schools' lack of preparedness to find ways to engage with the students' learning.

'A tiny minority' implies that 'they' are very different from 'we', that is, the majority, and therefore hard to understand. There is an incentive to remove the miscreants before they contaminate the majority. In addition, where the 'tiny minority' has been removed, 'new members have emerged to fill the deviant roles' (Watkins and Wagner, 2000, p. 7).

The explanation 'it's their age' is used largely to apply to secondary-aged students. Biological determinism in the form of 'it's their hormones' or adolescent moodiness and unpredictability is often used to explain the higher incidence of disaffection amongst students at secondary compared with primary level.

Explaining difficult behaviour as emanating from a difficult neighbourhood does little to illuminate individual students' patterns of behaviour. Socioeconomic factors have a great deal of influence on school populations. There is differential distribution of educational success along lines of social class (Gewirtz et al, 1995). However, research outcomes do not support the application of a simple cause and effect model of student disaffection and disruptive behaviour caused by economically impoverished neighbourhoods (Mortimore et al, 1988; Hargreaves, 1984; OFSTED, 2000; 2003). The structure and organisation of schools can make a difference to student behaviour even in disadvantaged areas (Rutter et al, 1979).

A number of researchers have noted that student behaviour perceived by others as unacceptable is influenced at three levels: individual student, teacher in the classroom and whole-school. The most effective interventions intended to reduce the risk of unacceptable behaviour are those that operate at all three levels, given that:

• a) Some individuals are more likely than others to misbehave
• b) Some teachers are more likely than others to produce higher levels of misconduct in their classroom by their management and organization practices
• c) Some schools more often than others fail to control student behaviour

(Gottfredson et al, 1998, p. 182 quoted in Watkins and Wagner, 2000, p. 17)

Student behaviour and culturalism

Different ways of conceptualising the human mind, the development of learning and the way this impacts on behaviour also lead to different approaches to the education of young people and the development of children's learning (Bruner, 1996) and different interventions for dealing with issues of behavioural concerns in schools. One view that can account for the processes of human meaning-making and which is sensitive to context is what Bruner terms 'culturalism' (Bruner, ibid) with its rather different implications for addressing issues of learning and behaviour. 'Culturalism' assumes that the development of the human mind depends on its evolution within a society where the 'reality' of individual experience is represented through a shared symbolism, for example verbal or written language. The cultural context in which a child is reared shapes his/her thinking. Meaning-making is situated in a cultural context as well as in the prior conceptions that learners bring with them into new situations as a result of previous learning in other contexts. New learning is a product of the 'interplay' between them. Bruner raises a number of issues relevant to a consideration of student behaviour. For example:

• • where learning is assumed to occur through engagement in society, pedagogy needs to be interactive and 'intersubjective' to take account of individual meaning-making and allow for the production of shared task outcomes;
• • educational policies and practices need to take account of the fact that schools exist in societies where issues of power, status and rewards are very influential;
• • schooling plays a critical part in shaping a student's sense of 'Self', that is in his/her belief in his/her ability, responsibility and skill in initiating and completing actions and tasks. The way in which schools mediate success and failure are crucial to the development of a sense of personal agency. School is an integral part of the culture, not simply a way of preparing for entry. Teachers should therefore reflect continuously on the impact of school processes and practices on young people's sense of agency and ability;
• • failing to support the development of students' understanding and ability to act in a cultural context risks marginalising and alienating young people and rendering them incompetent, with the consequent threat to the stability of society as a whole.

Among the salient features of this socio-cultural approach are an emphasis on the 'indivisibility' of human action, both internal to the individual and external, and of the context in which it occurs (Davies, 2004). Learning is viewed as taking place through 'participation' and as transforming the individual learner's identity The sense of belonging to, or marginalisation from, a community affects every aspect of participation and, therefore, learning within it, and necessarily affects a student's behaviour and self perception. Notions of 'inclusion' can be interpreted as the extent to which students are able to participate in the school community. From this viewpoint a sense of belonging and acceptance in a social group which shows care and respect for its members is a basic human need. The identity of community members is influenced by the extent to which interactions within the group engage and acknowledge them. It may not be easy to engage with and acknowledge students whose behaviour in schools is experienced as challenging or threatening, but nevertheless they have the same basic needs as any other individual.

As Bruner (1996) notes, one of the prime responsibilities of schools is to support the construction of a student's sense of Self through an acknowledgement of agency and the development of self esteem. Within an institution, both educators and students are defined by that institution's social practices. Participation in a community is 'transformative' both to participants and to the group (Davies, 2004). It is essential, therefore, to examine the way in which school practices contribute to a student's sense of agency and personal esteem and, therefore, to the construction of a concept of Self, and his/her feelings about being able to cope with the world both during and after the years of compulsory schooling. 'Formalised education, commencing at the age of five years, imposes a whole range of requirements' (BPS, 1996, p. 13). It is inevitable that students who experience difficulties in meeting these demands must face 'a range of social, educational and psychological consequences' which will be 'compounded by personal unhappiness' (ibid).

In recent years, the relative under-achievement of students from particular minority ethnic groups and the proportionately high exclusion rate among the same students has been a focus of investigation - in the educational research of some countries for a considerable time (Rampton, 1981; Swann, 1985; Bishop, 1996; Smith, 1995). Findings from the Youth Cohort Study (YCS) of England and Wales indicate a trend of growing gaps by gender and ethnicity (DfE, 1994a):

The YCS data paint a clear picture of growing inequalities of achievement between the white group and pupils from several minority ethnic backgrounds. Only two of the different ethnic categories covered in the study enjoyed a year-on-year improvement: the white and Indian groups. The consequence is a growing gap between the majority white group and pupils classified as 'Black', 'Pakistani' and 'Bangladeshi'.

(Gillborn and Youdell, 2000, p. 38)

As Gillborn and Youdell go on to point out in the context of UK research, inequalities in achievement between ethnic groups were mirrored by growing gaps between the social classes. They conclude that:

It is clear that social class remains a hugely important factor associated with significant and increasing inequalities of achievement.

(Gillborn and Youdell, 2000, p. 40)

Osborne (2001) and Blair (2001) have attempted to understand and explain perceived school underachievement of some racial minorities, particularly African or Caribbean Black boys. Both writers comment that causes have been attributed to the students themselves and their cultures. Osborne argues that all children enter school with positive attitudes, what he refers to as 'identification with academics', but Black boys are at high risk of developing a resistance to, or 'disidentification' with, school as the result of poor academic results, and retreat into a negative group stereotype. He examines three theoretical areas within social psychology to support his argument. A stereotype threat theory (Steele, 1992; 1997) proposes that the school environment is aversive to members of groups with negative group stereotypes. A cultural-ecological theory (Ogbu, 1997) distinguishes between members of a minority culture whose forebears chose to live in the predominant culture and who seek education as the path to success, and involuntary immigrants. These latter, it is claimed, are more likely to develop social or collective identity in opposition to the predominant culture. A 'cool pose' theory on the other hand (Majors and Billson, 1992) claims that survival in an environment of social oppression and racism leads to the adoption of flamboyant and non-conformist behaviour leading to punishment in school settings.

Osborne concludes that disidentification is more likely from Black boys and is a developmental process. Resistance to school, hence removal from the source of frustration and 'negative evaluation', reduces anxiety and improves self esteem. Successful outcomes are related to identification with school learning. The social dynamics of an environment, for example acceptance of difference, can affect academic outcomes.

It is perhaps this third conclusion that comes closest to the factors with which Blair is concerned: the effect of an 'aversive' school environment. She accepts that Black students who behave badly, as with any other adolescents, are placed in lower academic sets. However, she is more concerned with why students behave badly in a particular school. Blair refers to 'cultural dissonance' in saying that white teachers may not understand Black youngsters or their learning styles. She claims that the school has a responsibility to respond to the culture, experiences, interests and needs of the whole range of students, hence the notion that, for Black youngsters, racism is structural to an institution.

In considering steps that could be taken to address the issues, the two writers have a different emphasis. Osborne highlights responses to 'resistance' and Blair 'inclusive schooling'. As part of a strategy for respecting all cultures, Blair describes a successful school which provided six-week courses of Afrikaans and Irish studies for all students to develop understanding and respect across the school. She notes the commitment of the school to work with Black parents and the strong relationships forged between the school and the Black community with consultation on policies and school governance. Blair puts strong emphasis on a school climate and ethos in which the views of Black students along with all students are listened to and respected. The essential factor is teachers who respect diversity and are open to learn and understand the issues that affect the students including their political and social concerns. Students' needs and concerns as adolescents will be recognised alongside needs arising from ethnic and racial identities.

In contrast Osborne criticises 'ethnic studies' additions to Eurocentric curricula. In a 'true' multicultural curriculum, he claims, the contributions of people of colour are infused throughout. However, Osborne also implies changing the attitudes and behaviour of Black students through the teaching of the Black values in Europe (Afro-centric socialisation): 'cooperation, mutual respect, commitment and love of family, race community and nation' in c...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Half Title page
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Preface: Understanding pupil behaviour in schools: A diversity of approaches
• 1 Understanding student behaviour in schools
• 2 Perspectives on behaviour
• Part 1 Research
• Part 2 Cultu1ral issues
• Part 3 Psychological perspectives
• Part 4 Medical perspectives
• Index