Chapter 1
Improving access to higher education for disabled people
Mike Adams and Sarah Holland
Introduction
The previous educational experiences of all students will play a major part in their decision to enter higher education (HE); after all, it is at one end of the educational supply chain. However, for disabled people there may be additional, often complex, decisions that can shape their educational path. This chapter will discuss these additional decisions by highlighting the main barriers to HE participation that currently exist for disabled people and how these barriers can impact on the choices disabled people make. We examine the journey for disabled people to, and into, HE rather than focusing on studentsâ on-course experiences (which are addressed by other authors within this book). We will also highlight a range of interventions and models of good practice to assist practitioners to improve support, and increase opportunities for disabled people into HE.
The story of Matthew, a recent entrant into a British higher education institution (HEI), has been included in this chapter to reinforce the âlived experienceâ of these issues. We hope that sharing Matthewâs experiences will demonstrate that the HE sector still needs to take further steps to improve provision for disabled people.
The higher education context
The case for improving access to HE for disabled people is compelling. In the UK, a National Audit Office report (2002) suggested that an 18-year-old with a disability is 40 per cent less likely to enter HE than an 18-year-old without a disability. Moreover, a report from the Disability Rights Commission (2003) found that 30 per cent of young disabled people who did not go on to post-16 education felt they were prevented from doing so for a reason related to their disability.
These figures are a concern because we know that HE can improve the employment opportunities of disabled people. For example, an analysis of the Spring 2004 Labour Force Survey (DRC 2004) showed that the difference in employment rate between non-disabled and disabled people with a degree or equivalent is 15 per cent (89.7 per cent for non-disabled people compared to 74.9 per cent for disabled people). However, the differential is 23 per cent for those with GCE A Levels or equivalent (82.2 per cent for non-disabled people compared to 59.6 per cent for disabled people) and 39 per cent for those without qualifications (63.1 per cent for non-disabled people compared to 24.6 per cent for disabled people). In terms of full-time employment, an Association of Graduate Careers Advisory Services (AGCAS) report (2004) showed that 48.4 per cent disabled graduates are in full-time work compared to 54.6 per cent for non-disabled graduates (a difference of 6 per cent). In terms of being unemployed, the differential is less than 3 percentage points. These research findings challenge the assertion that all disabled people are much less likely to gain equivalent employment than their peers.
Encouragingly, we know that the number of disabled students studying at UK HEIs is growing and that students are disclosing a diverse range of impairments. For example, the number of recorded students on UK HEI programmes who declared a disability rose from 86,250 in 2000/01 to 121,080 in 2003/4 (HESA student record 2000/1, 2003/4). This represents an increase from 4.33 per cent of the total student population to 5.39 per cent.
The funding initiatives and focused disability programmes described in the Introduction have clearly contributed to the increase in both the quality and quantity of services now offered in many HEIs (Adams and Brown 2000). However, significant improvements are still required to ensure that all disabled people who are able to benefit from a HE experience have equivalent opportunities to their peers.
Matthewâs story
Matthewâs tale highlights the inequalities and practical difficulties that disabled people can meet when planning to enter HE. Matthew is currently in his first year in a HEI and has just received a distinction for his first piece of coursework. However, it is the combination of his own determination, support from key staff and good fortune that has enabled him to reach his current position.
Matthew originally attended a specialist school for disabled children and was one of the highest achieving pupils in his class. He had always been interested in travel and had wanted to pursue a career which would involve travel and maybe even the opportunity to work abroad. His school curriculum had been limited, however, he was motivated and given opportunities to pursue his varied interests. Matthewâs teachers were very supportive and had encouraged him to think about HE.
Matthewâs parents had been much more apprehensive; they felt he should have lowered his ambitions and were concerned he would be disappointed if HE study wasnât possible. In preparation for Matthew leaving school, they had been talking to a careers adviser about opportunities in a local sheltered employment venture which had recently been established.
However, at 16, Matthew had been determined to continue his education and attended a mainstream college while living at a residential college for disabled people nearby. He studied Geography, Maths and Business Studies and felt he had to work much harder than his fellow students to keep up with the workload. Additional support, including one-to-one tutorials and study skills sessions, was made available. Matthewâs overall experience was an enjoyable one although his biggest frustration was that, living at a residential college, he had been limited in the level of social activities he could take part in. He felt denied the social opportunities his peers were experiencing and was determined this would not be repeated once he started HE.
Despite the perceived lack of support from his family Matthew had contacted a number of HEIs he knew had a good reputation for supporting disabled people. Identifying those who had been positive to his initial call about the level of support he might expect, he was then able to crossreference those institutions which also offered courses in Geography and Business Studies, the subjects he was particularly interested in studying further. This unconventional method provided the basis for his choice of HEIs on his admissions form. Matthewâs final choice of course was a BA in Environment and Business.
Identifying the barriers to higher education
Reflecting on Matthewâs journey to HE, it is clear that disabled people do face additional barriers and challenges as they strive to continue their education. Subsequent chapters of this book address some of the issues that may be encountered. Barriers may be structural, organisational, behavioural and attitudinal but all are underpinned by a society that, despite the introduction of anti-discrimination legislation in many countries, still does not fully embrace the inclusion of disabled people.
In determining whether a disabled person progresses to HE, there appear to be two key factors that can influence the journey (NDT 2004). The first is whether there is a belief in the individualâs ability to undertake HE study (i.e. HE aspiration); the second is having timely access to the full educational experience, as students move through educational silos (i.e. a trouble-free transition). We believe that positive aspiration and smooth transitions throughout the educational journey (i.e. through school, further education and HE) are key to promoting and preparing disabled people for HE study.
Aspiration raising
A guidance document from the English funding council (HEFCE 2003) highlights the importance of raising the aspirations of non-traditional student groups at an increasingly early age, if positive choices about entering higher education are to be considered. Within this guidance, disabled people are identified as a key target group where specific action is required.
Anecdotal feedback as part of a National Disability Team (NDT)-led research study (2004) suggests that some disabled people tend to focus on shorter-term goals, usually linked to their impairment, rather than viewing longer-term aspirations as a priority. If this position is widely held (and there is no concrete evidence that suggests either way), it would have a major impact on how such funding programmes would need to approach aspiration raising with disabled people to ensure the studentâs educational potential is maximised.
A range of individuals play a role in raising the educational aspirations of disabled people, for example, parents, teachers, career advisers and friends are all highly influential in determining aspirations. However, the evidence presented below suggests that additional work is required to provide these key individuals with information about the opportunities and practical support that now exist for disabled people in HE.
Matthew knew that his parents did not support his decision to enter HE. This was not for reasons of control but a fear of the unknown; concern about what support would be provided and how he would cope in the âbig bad worldâ where hitherto he had been surrounded by a loving and understanding family, friends and staff who knew about his disability.
Powell (2003) asserts that, although parents are often experts on their child and the impact of their impairment, they are not so familiar with the complexities of the educational system and therefore tend to take a default position which is usually risk-adverse and often entrenched. This observation is a concern, as it suggests that parents can inadvertently reinforce a viewpoint that non-academic issues take priority for disabled people. However, it is also important to acknowledge that invariably, those same parents will have single-handedly fought for the rights of their child throughout their educational journey. Therefore, it is essential that appropriate and timely information is provided to parents in order that they can take an active and informed role in raising the aspirations of their children.
The school system and individual teachers also play an important role in raising academic aspirations. Although Matthew clearly had supportive teachers who recognised and encouraged him to achieve his potential, there is evidence to suggest that some disabled people do not receive the level of education that would enable them to consider further study within a HE environment. Leung (1992) observed that disabled adults in the United States were four times more likely than non-disabled adults to have only a ninth-grade education (equivalent to a 15-yearold in the UK). In the UK, the differential is not so significant but disabled people are still less likely to attain a general level of education. For example, an analysis of the Spring 2004 Labour Force Survey (DRC 2004) indicates that 18.5 per cent of disabled people have GSCEs as their highest qualification, compared to 22.2 per cent of non-disabled peers.
Sameshima (1999), in a study of deaf students in New Zealand, found that students had progressed to HE in spite of the schooling they had received. Two key factors contributed to these difficulties. First, there was a lack of deaf role models whom students could aspire to emulate; most HEI literature and information did not provide case studies of disabled people and their achievements. Second, and of more concern, the teachers in primary and secondary schools failed to motivate students to realise their potential. These low expectations were reflected in the narrow range of academic options the students felt were available to them.
In addition to the role that individuals can play in making HE an attractive choice, the learning environment may also shape the educational aspirations of disabled people. In the UK, there is currently a highly political debate about the merits of teaching at compulsory level in mainstream versus specialist schools. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to address this complex issue; however, the evidence suggests that education providers tend to be moving in the direction of integrating disabled people into mainstream schools, albeit at differing rates of change.
It may be questioned what effect this shift will have on the educational aspirations of disabled people. Slee (1993), in his school-based research, identified three distinct groups of disabled people who were reflected in the school system. First, there were those children who had always been taught in a specialist school and therefore had received a particular education experience. The second group of disabled children were predominantly those with less severe impairments, who had been educated in mainstream schools with little, or no, additional resources or support. The final group were defined as âintegration childrenâ. These children attended mainstream schools but required significant resources, usually including one-to-one teaching assistants to participate in the activities of the school. Such resources were provided by local education authorities who needed to âlabelâ these students to administer the required level of support. Slee identified that, in most cases, children within the latter group felt extremely isolated and struggled to attain a level of achievement which maximised their potential. Interestingly, Polat et al. (2001) contend that disabled people, regardless of whether they attend mainstream or specialist schooling, feel set apart from non-disabled peers and experience a sense of isolation in terms of building friendships and instigating general social interaction.
How best to maximise potential is a key issue, but this tends to be a point of contention and solutions can compete with political and ideological imperatives. Indeed, it is impossible to know whether Matthewâs aspirations would have been as high, or higher, if he had studied in a mainstream school or become an âintegrated childâ.
Transition
A smooth transition between school and further education and then on to HE can aid...