1 Reading Rights and Responsibilities
Eve Bearne and Gabrielle Cliff Hodges
Controversy about the teaching of reading has a long history, and throughout it there has been the assumption, at least the hope, that a panacea can be found that will make everything rightâŚthere is no one method, medium, approach, device or philosophy that holds the key to the process of reading. We believe that the knowledge does exist to improve the teaching of reading, but that it does not lie in the triumphant discovery, or re-discovery, of a particular formula âŚA glance at the past reveals the truth of this.
(DES, 1975)
What Rights and Whose Responsibilities?
The informed words of the Bullock Report, written a quarter of a century ago, are a reminder that current concerns about reading are part of a long history of debate. What is it about reading that so fires an emotional response in educators and politicians? Just as there is no easy answer to the teaching of reading, there is equally no slick summary of why debates rage so fiercelyâin every generation it seems. Part of the answer may lie in the fact that satisfying or satisfactory reading does not just depend on the range of texts available to a particular age group, but on readers, contexts and communities. Since contexts for reading, the experience of readers and the communities they inhabit are not static, it is no wonder that the issues have to be regularly revisited. The fact that every age invents new types of text (see, for example, Alberto Manguelâs splendidly wide-ranging A History of Reading) is another consideration, and it becomes clear that teaching reading is still a hot issue because the precise nature of reading changes with time (Manguel, 1996).
This chapter explores what reading means for young people and their teachers, in particular their rights and responsibilities. Using examples from students in Key Stages 2 and 3, it asks some key questions such as what do teachers know and what can they find out about readers? How can teachers use what they know to develop fruitful ways of teaching reading?
However, there are some important matters of principle to get into the open before trying to deal with all the complex factors involved in teaching reading. In his wry and incisive book, Reads Like A Novel, Daniel Pennac (1994) offers the following as ârightsâ:
1 The right not to read
2 The right to skip pages
3 The right not to finish a book
4 The right to re-read
5 The right to read anything
6 The right to âbovarysmeâ (that is, reading for the instant satisfaction of nothing but our feelings)
7 The right to read anywhere
8 The right to browse
9 The right to read out loud
10 The right to remain silent.
What emerges strongly is the right to be a committed reader, an individual making choices according to inclination as well as need. It would be good if we could make this our target for the nationâs children rather than âreaching Level 4 by the age of 11â! The cool prose of government documents cannot, of course, capture such fervent determination. However, it is not so much the wording of National Literacy Strategy or National Curriculum documents which deserves attention; the new text element that needs scrutiny is the format (with its attendant implications for teaching approaches). For example, the National Literacy Strategy presents a framework for teaching, which, together with its multiplicity of training materials, begins to look very like the kind of âtriumphant discoveryâ of one particular formula, precisely the approach against which the Bullock Report cautions us. Teachers are having to make space within the framework to meet the needs of individual studentsâ development, interests and preferences. Is space also available for students to exercise their right to choose?
The principle of fostering avid, committed and critical readers can only be realised in practice if students are motivated. If students are not motivated to read, then they will not engage in the breadth and depth of reading necessary for that development to take place. Jerome Brunerâs analysis of what he calls âthe will to learnâ, although written over thirty years ago (Bruner, 1966), provides some valuable pointers to anyone teaching reading. Motivation, says Bruner, is fuelled by the satisfaction of curiosity. Experienced readers learn not just to decode text but also to satisfy curiosity through reading and to sustain their curiosity âbeyond the momentâs vividnessâ. They learn, if given the opportunity, how to channel their curiosity actively to accomplish their own ends, not just passively to meet the demands of others. Bruner goes on to explore another intrinsic element of motivation, namely âthe drive to achieve competenceâ. Most people know, if given the chance to experience it, the pleasures that can be derived from a sense of achievement. Furthermore, âwe get interested in what we get good atâ. However, for pleasure and interest to be sustained we need ultimately to master things for their own sake rather than for extrinsic rewards. A third point about motivation, crucial for teachers of reading, is the power of role models, in reading as in so much else. What Bruner means by ârole modelâ is âa day-to-day working model with whom to interactâ (our italics). Teachers are very well placed to interact with less-experienced readers, not so much because they offer behaviours for students to imitate, but because they are more experienced readers with whom students can engage in dialogues about reading: dialogues which they later learn to internalise.
Burnerâs analysis is predominantly sociocultural. It reminds us how important reading is to our concept of what it means to be human. Reading is therefore inevitably political. Being political implies enfranchisement and the right to vote; it also means that the voter carries responsibilities to the community. It follows, then, that if reading is politically situated and a political act, then readersâteachers and studentsâhave both rights and responsibilities. A recent report by an Advisory Group on Citizenship, entitled Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (QCA 1998b), reinforces this view, linking the twinned concepts of rights and responsibilities with skills and aptitudes such as the âability to use modern media and technology critically to gather informationâ and the âability to recognise forms of manipulation and persuasionâ. The more experienced members of a community are those who carry the responsibilities until the younger ones can take full status, so this chapter will give weight to teachersâ responsibilities and younger readersâ rights, suggesting ways in which these gradually move towards a more equal distribution of each. Since this is a chapter about teaching reading, and about what it is to become a reader, it will also be important to look at how success as a reader can be measured. Just what kinds of assessments are most likely to provide useful information for all members of the âvotingâ communityâfor readers, families, educators and employersâabout standards of reading?
Reading Experience and Experiences
One of the most significant shifts in thinking about reading over recent years has been not just the acknowledgement, but the value, given to reading and prereading experiences in homes and communities. The greatest emphasis in this area, however, has been given to the early stages of reading. The later years of Key Stage 2 and the early secondary years do not figure as much in discussion of how to teach reading, or in this case of how to build on the experience and experiences of young, already fairly fluent, readers. This lack of attention to older readers reflects a view of reading which measures successful reading according to how well young readers can decode the words on the page and demonstrate this by reading aloud. In its worst manifestation, the idea is that once children can decode and read aloud fluently, then we donât need to teach them any more about reading. Nothing could be further from the truth. Surface-skating the text is potentially more harmful to a young reader than still having problems in articulating complicated text. If you are struggling with a text, you have to be engaged with it in some sense. But if you glide over its surface you never have to get to grips with it at all. Margaret Meek describes her unease about those who âdecontextualise reading in order to describe itâ:
The reading experts, for all their understanding about âthe reading processâ treat all text as the neutral substance on which the process works as if the reader did the same things with a poem, a timetable, a warning notice.
(Meek, 1988)
A full reading curriculum goes beyond this basic assumption, and considers the range of texts which a reader needs to tackle, alongside the range of reading processes and strategies which might help. It also takes into account the development of reading preferences and reading experience drawn from homes and communities.
There are many assumptions and prejudices about young peopleâs reading at home. Difficulties lie in how reading is being definedâboth by students and by those who question themâand in methods of gathering information. For example, pupils are often reluctant to admit to certain types of readingâ newspapers, comics, magazines, computer texts, televisionâbecause they think that these are not the kinds of things teachers want to hear about and donât count as reading. If reading is much more broadly defined to include everything that students read within and outside the school, then the reality is usually complex and quite a shock.
For example, the responses of one Year 5/6 class in a Cambridge primary school to a questionnaire about home and school reading showed both boys and girls reading twice as much at home as they did in school. Another example involved information gathered from interviews carried out for a small-scale research project with six Year 7 students from a Cambridge secondary school (whose Ofsted report noted that âpupils do not usually read for pleasure or elect to tackle challenging textsâ). The group was mixed ability and included three boys and three girls, for one of whom English was an additional language. For pleasure and interest they read Roald Dahl novels, film and TV tie-ins, e.g. The X-Files and Jurassic Park, series books such as Point Horror, Famous Five and Sweet Valley High, Horrible Histories, humorous poetry, joke books, wildlife books, comics, special interest magazines, local and national newspapers, novels, picture books (with younger siblings), encyclopaedias, books about computer programming, information and letters received from charities and clubs they belong to, CD-ROMs, the Internet, catalogues, and more besides. The EAL student also read letters, forms, and so on, for her mother who knew too little English to be able to do so for herself. Judging by this evidence, if we do not find out about, or pay attention to, the whole picture of young peopleâs reading, then our conclusions about their reading experiences, capabilities and the curriculum we provide for them are going to be simplistic and lacking in precision.
Information from a very large-scale survey directed by Christine Hall and Martin Coles adds to the complexity of the picture. Their Childrenâs Reading Choices project sought to replicate Frank Whiteheadâs earlier study for the Schools Council, Childrenâs Reading Habits 10â16 (Whitehead et al., 1977). The surveyâs findings not only support the view that young people, both boys and girls, read a wider variety of texts than we might suppose, but also that within those texts, especially magazines, they encounter an extensive range of genres: fiction, non-fiction and âfactionâ (Hall and Coles, 1999).
When students note the television, video and computer reading they do, the range is equally diverse. Teachers, analysing the results of a survey carried out in their Essex secondary school, comment:
Over and over again pupils made comments like I watch TV for fiction and while no-one would want to advocate that this should mean we do not encourage reading of fiction we do need to expand our concept of reading so that we can teach pupils to be critical readers of all sorts of textâfiction, fact and the communications media.
(Spratt and Sturdy, 1998)
Forms of âcineliteracyâ play an increasingly important part in studentsâ reading and have significance not just for the content of the programmes, but particularly for the structures of the verbal and visual texts involved. While soaps depend on dialogue, news coverage combines commentary with analysis. Sitcoms use more visual and verbal humour and are often concise in their plot structures, while film plots cover wide ranges of space and time. The verbal and visual language of advertising and exquisite 30âsecond narratives offer yet more text experiences, which feed into other kinds of reading. The huge popularity of Baz Luhrmannâs film of Romeo and Juliet (even taking into account the Leonardo DiCaprio factor), which involves a sophisticated multiplicity of verbal and visual texts, provides evidence of the highly developed cineliteracy of most young people today. Building on the success of the film, as so many did, teachers acknowledged the value of linking the pleasures and interests of voluntary reading with the possibilities of studying Shakespeareâs plays in the classroom. Such a wide range of home experience of reading serves as a very strong platform for the reading demands of a varied curriculum.
Several questions for teachers arise from even the limited findings of the small-scale classroom research referred to above. How can teachers find out as precisely as possible what students read beyond the classroom, and how does this relate to their reading at school? How can teachers build on aspects of reading with which students already feel confident, and help them to learn more about the kinds of reading and texts with which they are not already familiar or confident? There are many possible answers to these questions, but one thing is absolutely cle...