Early life
We know Origen mainly through his thought. The loss of all but two of his letters deprives us of the rich human detail that enlivens and enriches accounts of comparable figures like Augustine or the Cappadocians. Eusebius, whose Ecclesiastical History provides most of our information about his life, had access to Origenâs extensive correspondence in his library at Caesarea. He used it, along with further information that his mentor, Pamphilus, gathered for his Apology for Origen, to promote Origen as a scholar and saint.1 We can supplement Eusebius with data gleaned from Origenâs own works and from other sources, notably an Address to Origen composed by a student traditionally identified as Gregory Thaumaturgus. Pierre Nautin sifts through such information in his ground-breaking reconstruction of Origenâs life.2 Other scholars have challenged details of Nautinâs work,3 and he himself admits that many points are uncertain, but his basic outline is persuasive. Nautin subjects Eusebius to source criticism, establishing criteria for isolating information from reliable sources such as Origenâs correspondence. He dismisses as hearsay stories about Origenâs relationship to his father, whose very name â Leonides according to Eusebius â he considers doubtful. One such story is that Leonides was so amazed and impressed by his sonâs precocious inquiries about the deeper meaning of Scripture that he would often uncover his breast as he slept, kiss it with reverence as the shrine of a divine spirit, and thank God for deeming him worthy to be father of such a boy.4 Even if not reliable, such stories indicate the impression Origen made on others. Nautinâs outline, which I follow here, gives us a glimpse of an active and often embattled figure, recognized in his own time as a great man, who made intractable enemies as well as generous and loyal friends.
Origen was born around AD 185 and reared in Alexandria, one of the principal intellectual centers of the ancient world and long the home of a thriving and creative Greek-speaking Jewish community.5 The origins of Christianity in Alexandria are notoriously hazy. We can be fairly certain that Christianity came to Alexandria early, that its matrix was Hellenistic Judaism, and that it was never homogeneous. Since Basilides and Valentinus, two of the earliest Alexandrian Christians we know of, were Gnostics, Walter Bauer postulated that Gnosticism preceded an orthodoxy imported later from Rome.6 Papyrological evidence, however, demonstrates the early presence of a nascent orthodox community that employed particular manuscript abbreviations for divine names and that availed itself of Irenaeusâs anti-Gnostic writings shortly after their publication.7 Clement of Alexandria, writing during the decades around AD 200, is our first witness to this community. He advocated a ârule of truthâ or âof the church,â corresponding to the united testimony of the apostles.8 He did not say what constitutes this rule, except that it affirms the unity of Scripture. This distinguished him and his believing community from heretical Gnostics who ascribed the Old and New Testaments to different gods. We may safely assume that he would affirm the enumeration of the churchâs principal doctrines in the Preface to Origenâs Peri Archon (see below), one that mirrors those of other second- and thirdcentury Christian writers.9 At the same time, Clement remained open to the Gnosticsâ ideas and was relatively fair-minded toward them, an indication that the boundary between what we may call Ecclesiastical Christianity and Gnosticism was still porous during Origenâs youth. As Origen matured, the churchâs self-definition became tighter under the leadership of Bishop Demetrius, whose oversight began while Origen was a youth.
The church in which Origen grew up defined itself not only by its commitment to the rule of faith, but by radical demands for Christian commitment. It thus formed Origen as, in the words of the Danish scholar Hal Koch, âan almost fanatical Christian of the most exclusive variety.â10 A leitmotiv of second-century Christian literature is the veneration of martyrdom as the ultimate expression of Christian commitment. This is especially true of the writings of Ignatius of Antioch, which Origen knew, and of the early martyr acts. Origenâs own works provide vivid testimony that he was in full accord with this type of piety. His Exhortation to Martyrdom contains his most impassioned writing and, in a sermon given during a long period free from persecution, he expressed nostalgia for the days of the martyrs when âthere were few believers, but they really did believe, and they traveled the strait and narrow way that leads to life.â11 Because the church forbade religious compromise with the Roman state, martyrdom was an ever-present possibility. Origenâs church also self-consciously set itself apart from the larger GrecoRoman society by upholding a strict sexual morality and by valuing sexual renunciation. One of our earliest testimonies to Alexandrian Christianity is Justin Martyrâs account of a young man who sought to disprove pagan calumnies by applying (unsuccessfully) to the Roman Prefect, Felix, for permission to be castrated.12
Eusebius reported that Origenâs father taught his son the Christian Scriptures as he studied pagan Greek literature; certainly Origenâs works â including, notably, his Contra Celsum, but other works as well, including the selection from the Commentary on Genesis included in this volume â evidence a splendid education, almost unrivaled among the Fathers. Origen clearly mastered the standard Hellenistic curriculum: the study of Greek literature along with mathematics and astronomy. His command of Scripture, likewise remarkable, also bespeaks a familiarity nourished from childhood. When Origen was 17 (around 203) his father died during a persecution under Septimius Severus, an Emperor who targeted converts and catechists in an apparent attempt to stem the spread of the church. This event confirmed his veneration of martyrdom and left him with a life-long sense of obligation. Thirty or more years later, in a homily delivered at Caesarea, he declared: âHaving a martyr as a father is no advantage to me unless I live well and bring credit to the nobility of my birth, namely to his testimony and to the confession which made him illustrious in Christ.â13 Nautin argues that his fatherâs martyrdom constituted a tie of blood that attached Origen to the church.14 The accompanying confiscation of his fatherâs estate left Origen impoverished and responsible as the eldest son for his large family.
Training as a grammateus
A wealthy Christian woman enabled Origen to complete his studies. He could then support his family in the respected occupation of grammateus, a teacher of Greek literature. These literary studies were one of the most significant factors shaping Origenâs thought and his legacy.15 As a grammateus, Origen made his own a four-stage method of approaching a literary text, a method Hellenistic grammarians developed at Alexandria four hundred years earlier for the study of Homer and other literary classics. These four stages are, respectively, textual criticism, reading, interpretation, and judgment.16
Textual criticism, an arcane specialty today, was practiced â in an age when all works were copied by hand and each manuscript was inevitably different â whenever a teacher and students sought to make sure they were all reading the same text. In earlier centuries Alexandrian scholars established criteria, including the detailed examination of variants, to arrive at the most plausible original reading. Origenâs later text-critical work demonstrates his mastery of these techniques.
Reading, the second stage in the grammarianâs approach to the text, simply meant reading the text aloud. This exercise, valuable as it is today, was indispensable in an age when manuscripts lacked lexical aids we take for granted: capital letters, spaces between words, and most punctuation marks. An important aspect of reading, especially in the absence of quotation marks, would be identifying the persona (prosĂ´pon) speaking. Thus below, in his Homily 5 on 1 Samuel, Origen distinguishes words spoken in the persona of the narrator from words spoken, say, in the persona of the necromancer. Marie-Joseph Rondeau has shown the pervasiveness and subtlety of the technique of identifying prosĂ´pa in Origenâs works not just in his Scriptural interpretation, but in his response to Celsus.17
The third stage, interpretation (exĂŞgĂŞsis) involved bringing to bear information useful for understanding the text. At its most basic level, interpretation involved identifying the meaning of the words an author used (glĂ´ssĂŞmatikon). Since the Homeric epics, the fundamental text in the Hellenistic curriculum, were written in an archaic dialect containing many words and constructions no longer current, such close attention to words themselves would be second nature for a grammateus. A second branch of interpretation was the study of the narrative itself (historikon). Such interpretation could include information we would regard as properly âhistoricalâ such as chronology, but could also involve applying information drawn from fields such as geography and the natural sciences. A third branch of interpretation, known as technikon,18 dealt with the authorâs rhetorical procedures, beginning with his use of grammar and continuing with his use of figures of speech. An example of Origenâs employment of such methods is his discussion in Commentary on John 32.112 of whether Jesusâ statement in John 13:12 â[Do you] Know what I have done.[?]â should be read as question or a command. Technikon would also deal with the authorâs use of order (taxis) and plan (oikonomia) in light of a particular goal or intention (skopos). The concept of oikonomia would, as we shall see, assume great importance in Origenâs thought. Early commentators on the Iliad gave as examples of skillful use of oikonomia Homerâs providing Thetis a consistently helpful character so as to make her interventions seem appropriate, and his intensifying the pathos of Hectorâs death by leaving his wife Andromache unaware of the duel with Achilles so that she gains her first intimation of it by hearing the lamentation over his fall.19 Origen would ordinarily deal with the bookâs skopos in an introduction to the book as a whole, as he does below in the opening chapters of Book 1 of his Commentary on John. A fourth branch of interpretation, metrikon, dealt with the meter and, more broadly, the style an author used. Included in the study of style would be the investigation of whether a particular narrative is intended as a factual account, one which would involve looking closely at its consistency and plausibility.
Fourth and finally, the grammateus would exercise judgment (krisis), evaluating the authorâs work and drawing helpful lessons from it for his students. As a general principle, applicable in all modes of interpretation, Origen would have learned that the best way to interpret a difficult passage in any particular author is to seek an explanation from another passage in the same authorâs work, the principle summed up by the phrase, âClarify Homer from Homer.â20
Origenâs studies in this period may also have included further work in other branches of âgeneral educationâ (enkuklios paideia) such as music, mathematics, and astronomy, the latter including what we call astrology. The student who composed the Address testified to the importance of the natural sciences in Origenâs own teaching, crediting him with helping him move from an irrational to a rational awe in the face of the beauty and majesty of the âholy plan (oikonomia) of the universe.â21 The selection below from Origenâs Commentary on Genesis displays an understanding of astrology (in spite of his rejection of it) and of astronomy unexcelled in any ancient Christian author. He also learned some principles of ancient medicine, which he would later apply in describing the therapeutic work of God in the soul.22
Encounter with Gnosticism
Origenâs benefactor also provided accommodations for a teacher from Antioch, Paul, whom Origen characterized as a heretic. This person attracted great numbers, not only of heretics, but also of persons belonging to the orthodox party, to hear his teaching. Origen stated that he âloathedâ Paulâs doctrine, which was probably some form of Gnosticism, and that he never joined in the hereticsâ prayers, maintaining instead the ârule of the church.â23 Whatever Paul may have taught, Origenâs works testify to an intimate familiarity with Gnostic doctrines, particularly those of Vale...