Handbook of Family Theories

A Content-Based Approach

Mark A. Fine, Frank D. Fincham, Mark A. Fine, Frank D. Fincham

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781135118747
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Psicología
• Subtopic: Psicología del desarrollo

Organized by content areas rather than by theory, this comprehensive, accessible handbook helps readers gain greater insight into how key theories have impacted today's family research. Most competing books, organized by theory, do not provide a strong sense of the links between theory and research. Using the 2000 and 2010 decade-in-review issues of the Journal of Marriage and Family as a resource, the book addresses the most important topics impacting family studies research today.

The introductory chapter, written by the editors, provides an overview of the role family theories have had on the field. This chapter is followed by 23 others on family-related content areas written by renowned scholars in the field. The book is organized around the most important domains in the field: parenting and parent-child relationships, romantic relationships, conflict and aggression, structural variation and transitions, demographic variations, and families and extra-familial institutions. Each of the contributors describes how theory has been used to generate new knowledge in the field and suggests future directions for how theory may be used to extend our knowledge base. The book helps readers acquire a working knowledge of the key family science theories, findings, and issues and understand how researchers make use of these theories in their empirical efforts.

To maximize accessibility, each of the renowned contributors addresses a common set of issues in their chapter:
• Introduction to the content area
• Review of the key topics, issues, and findings
• A description of each of the major theories used to study that particular content area
• Limitations of the theories
• Suggestions for better use of the theories and/or new theoretical advances
• Conclusions about future theoretical developments.

An ideal text for graduate and/or advanced undergraduate family theories courses, this book's unique organization also lends itself to use in content-based family studies/science courses taught in family studies, human development, psychology, sociology, communication, education, and nursing. Due to its comprehensive and current approach, the book also appeals to scholars and researchers in these areas.

1 Introduction

The Role of Theory in Family Science

Mark A. Fine and Frank D. Fincham

There is nothing so practical as a good theory.

Lewin, 1951, p. 169

This book focuses on theoretical perspectives that inform research in key topical areas of family science.¹ Along with most scholars, we share a strong belief in the value of theory in the empirical process. Conducting research without theory is analogous to building a new house without a set of blueprints. In fact, we argue that one cannot conduct research without at least an implicit theoretical orientation, just as one cannot build a house without having some type of blueprint, no matter how poorly defined. Builders (and researchers) may think that they can engage in their craft without having an underlying blueprint (or theoretical perspective), but every step in the construction (or empirical) process requires some foundational sense of future direction. The lack of a theoretical perspective is not an option; the choice is the extent to which one uses theory explicitly and deliberately versus implicitly and outside of conscious awareness.

WHAT ARE THEORIES?

We follow in the tradition of many others (e.g., White & Klein, 2008; Boss, Doherty, LaRossa, Schumm, & Steinmetz, 1993) who have described theories as socially constructed explanations of why certain phenomena occur as they do. Definitions of theories often refer to constructs, logical relations among these constructs or statements the theory purports to be truths, and testable hypotheses logically derived from the theory that empirically will either be consistent or inconsistent with the theory. Ideally, theories also specify the relations between and among unobservable constructs and variables that can be observed. In short, good theories specify relations between observables (e.g., a punch, slap, kick) and underlying constructs (e.g., aggression, hostility), as well as relations among the constructs, are internally consistent, useful, explanatory, evidence-based, falsifiable, broadly applicable, and consistent with other accepted theories. All of these features are important aspects of theories in family science, and they serve to explain why or how some (family) phenomenon occurs the way that it does.

For example, consider Rusbult’s (1983) investment model, which is an extension of social exchange theory. Her model attempts to explain relationship stability (i.e., whether a relationship continues or discontinues). In her model, rewards, costs, and comparison level predict relationship satisfaction. In turn, relationship satisfaction (positively), investments (positively), and the quality of available alternatives (negatively) predict each individual’s level of commitment to the relationship. Finally, level of commitment predicts relationship stability. The model contains a series of key constructs, delineates how the constructs are related to each other, and leads to a wealth of empirically testable hypotheses that have been studied in previous research. However, it is important not to lose sight of the key function of the investment model: to predict which relationships will continue and which will break up. To the extent that it does so (and research suggests that it does so quite well), the model can be said to explain the future course of relationships. Of course, the model needs to (and empirically does in research) predict relationship stability better than pure chance alone (if 70% of relationships remain intact, one could predict which relationships will continue with a 70% success rate merely by predicting that every relationship will continue).

Several points are important to note regarding how theory is used in this volume. First, we imposed no restrictions on how our authors could define theory. Authors were free to use the term, and similar ones, as they wished with no attempt on our part to ensure that a consensually agreed upon definition was used in every chapter. We felt that it was more desirable for readers to be exposed to how scholars in family science themselves use terms like theory than for us to impose a definition on experienced and successful scholars. Nevertheless, we believe that all authors defined and used theory in a manner consistent with what was depicted earlier—as an explanation of why and how certain phenomena occur as they do.

Second, and related to the definitional freedom given to our authors, we also imposed no constraints on the terms that authors could use as synonyms for theory. While some theorists have attempted to delineate distinctions among such terms as conceptual framework, theory, model, perspective, causal models, and so forth, there is no consensus among theorists on the nature of many of these distinctions and, thus, we allowed authors to use these terms in any way that they wished to do so. If there is a somewhat consistent distinction that is used in this book, it is the distinction between a theory/model and a perspective. A theory or model is designed to explain a particular phenomenon and to make predictions about what might happen in the future. By contrast, a perspective is broader and involves a world view or lens through which one views families and relationships. For example, social exchange is a theory in the sense that it allows one to explain certain behaviors and to predict how one will act in the future. However, many consider the life course approach to be a perspective in the sense that it is not designed to explain why certain phenomena unfold as they do and it makes no specific predictions about family-related events, but provides a lens through which one can gain perspective on family events.

Finally, although we use the term theory, we are actually referring to deductively-derived theory. Family scientists use both deductively-derived and inductively-derived theories in their work, but the vast majority of the research reviewed in this volume is based on deductively-derived theories that are typically used to ground quantitative studies. Inductively-derived theories are frequently generated from qualitative studies and have made extremely important contributions to family science. However, as do all other books on family theories that we are aware of, we focus primarily on theories derived from the deductive process.

WHY ARE THEORIES IMPORTANT TO THE RESEARCH ENDEAVOR?

Theories provide guidance to investigators throughout the empirical endeavor, from selecting a research topic, to carefully reviewing the relevant literature(s), to formulating hypotheses and/or questions, to designing the study and choosing measures, to choosing one’s sample, to analyzing and interpreting results, and to drawing implications for future research and for practice. It is clearly as important for scholars to have expertise in the use of theory as it is to have sophisticated methodological and statistical skills. Indeed, without theory, even the most sophisticated methods can be counter-productive as “conceptual clarification [theory] is a pre-requisite for efficient experimentation [data collection]” (Heider, 1958, p. 4). In short, “good theory construction, with its attendant methods, has the resources to provide the types of conceptual analyses (better theoretical analyses) that really matter to science” (Bennett & Hacker, 2003, p. 565).

In what ways do theories influence steps in the research process? The first point to note is that no decisions regarding methodology are objective and mechanical in the sense that they are independent of the researcher’s underlying values, world view, conceptual lens and (implicit or explicit) theory. Even something as apparently simple as choosing a measure of a particular construct is based on theoretical assumptions. For example, depression is a construct relevant to many family scholars, such as in work related to how parental depression affects parenting and how depression affects couple dynamics. However, some measures of depression are more focused on cognitive symptoms (e.g., the Beck Depression Inventory), whereas others emphasize somatic symptoms (e.g., Zung Depression Scale). Some people may score higher on one type of depression scale than another, depending on the nature of their symptoms. The choice of whether one prefers to measure primarily (but not exclusively) cognitive symptoms or primarily (but not exclusively) somatic symptoms should be based on the particular theoretical underpinnings of one’s study. If one’s theoretical perspective is based on the notion that depressed parents become less physically available to their children, then one may prefer a more somatic-based measure. However, if one considers the modeling of depressive thinking as the key mechanism by which parental depression affects children, one may decide to use a measure such as the Beck Depression Inventory. We argue that all of the various decisions made in the research endeavor, however seemingly minor they may appear to be, are affected by theoretical thinking. Even such choices as which sample to gather data from and how to recruit participants, should be based on underlying theory.

We recognize that empirical studies as they typically unfold are not always based on careful theoretical thinking at each and every step. However, even if a particular choice is not made with a carefully thought out theoretical rationale, one should at least make sure that one’s choice is not inconsistent with one’s theoretical approach. For example, some data analysis decisions seem quite clear cut and may not require much thought (e.g., comparing the means of two groups with a t-test), but at the very least such decisions should not be inconsistent with one’s theoretical perspective. However, many data analytic decisions do need to be based on theoretical considerations, such as deciding to use growth curve modeling because one has hypothesized that parental depression affects later parental availability. As an obvious example of a decision that would be inconsistent with underlying theory—if one’s theory is that parental depression, through the mechanism of depressed parents being unavailable to school-age children who are still quite dependent on their parents, negatively affects children’s well-being, one should not gather a sample of high school juniors and seniors. Thus, researchers need to review all of their methodological choices not only with an eye toward what seems most feasible and logical, but also with an eye towards ensuring that decisions are, at minimum, not inconsistent with one’s theoretical perspective.

APPROACHES TO TEACHING ABOUT THEORIES

The traditional approach to teaching about theories has been labeled by Klein (personal communication) as the “theory of the week” approach. With this approach, theories are learned one after the other, often from textbooks that devote single chapters to each of the theories covered. Whereas the “theory of the week” approach can provide a useful description of the various theories and how they have been used, it does not provide a clear sense of how theory is an integral part of the study of specific family-related topics. In other words, the traditional approach to presenting and teaching about theories, in general, and family theories, in particular, often leaves readers with a good sense of the tenets, strengths, and weaknesses of the various theories, but, importantly, not a good sense of the direct linkages between theory and research.

In this volume, we use a second and far less commonly used strategy—a content-based approach. We organize the book around content areas and show how theories have been used to further our knowledge in a variety of family-related areas. The rationale behind this approach is that readers will gain more insight into how theory is used in family science by organizing the presentation according to topics within family science, as opposed to devoting one theory to each chapter. Different content areas in family studies have different traditions with respect to how theories have grounded empirical research. Thus, to convey a rich and nuanced sense of how theory underlies specific family-related domains, we organize the book around the most important domains in the field. We carefully selected what we consider to be the topics that have received the most research attention in the last 10–15 years in family science, with guidance from tables of contents from the 2000 and 2010 decade-in-review issues of Journal of Marriage and Family , from colleagues, and from our ongoing exposure to the family science literature(s).

Only via this content-based approach can readers obtain a thorough and clear understanding of how empirical research in particular family-related areas, depends on the use of family theories. For example, most family-related content areas make use of multiple theories and this multifaceted use of theory will be conveyed in each chapter of this book, unlike the picture one obtains in more traditional books that present one and only one theory per chapter. A related benefit of the content-based approach is that readers are exposed to a much greater number of theories than are commonly included in books that cover one theory per chapter. As described below, readers of this book will learn about numerous theories, whereas more traditional books tend to cover at most 15 theories because there are typically 15 weeks in a typical university semester.

Thus, readers of this volume should realize three interrelated goals: (1) acquire a good working understanding of a number of theories relevant to family science; (2) see how leading scholars in the field make use of these theories in their empirical efforts; and (3) acquire a cutting edge understanding of the key findings and issues in important family-related content areas.

We know of only one other book that has attempted to use the content-based approach to covering family theories (Bengtson, Acock, Allen, Dilworth-Anderson, & Klein, 2005). Bengtson et al.’s Sourcebook was ground-breaking in its use of the content-based approach, its inclusion of authors representing numerous different theoretical and methodological orientations, and its attention to the implications that theories have for methodological decisions. However, compared with the Sourcebook, the present volume is more current (the Sourcebook was published in 2005), has a more consistent organizational structure across chapters, is considerably shorter and more amenable to coverage in a semester-long graduate seminar, is more focused on how theory has extended our knowledge base in particular content areas in family science (as opposed to addressing some methodological issues in detail), and has more reader-accessible material. Its accessibility stems from its greater organizational consistency across chapters and its strict and consistent devotion to theory throughout each chapter.

DESIGN OF THE BOOK

To meet these goals, we asked authors with high levels of expertise and strong reputations in particular areas to write a theory-based chapter on their content area. These authors were asked to address in their chapter, a common set of questions and issues pertaining to the use of theory in the relevant area. The core set of issues included the following:

1.Introduction to the content area

2.Brief review of key topics/issues/findings in this content area

3.Theories that have been used to study these topics in this content area, including a brief description of each theory, focusing primarily on those aspects of the theory that have been used to study this aspect of the content area

4.Limitations of how theory has been used in this content area

5.Suggestions for better use of theory in this content area and/or new theoretical advances

6.Conclusions about future theoretical developments in this content a...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Half Title Page
• Dedication
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Preface
• Acknowledgments
• Editors
• Contributors
• Chapter 1 Introduction The Role of Theory in Family Science
• Section I Parenting and Parent–Child Relations
• Section II Dating, Cohabiting, and Marital Relationships
• Section III Conflict and Aggression in Families
• Section IV Structural Variations and Transitions in Families
• Section V Demographic Variations in Families
• Section VI Families and Extrafamilial Institutions
• Author Index
• Subject Index