Understanding Muslim Chaplaincy

Sophie Gilliat-Ray, Mansur Ali

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781317004714
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Islamic Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

Understanding Muslim Chaplaincy provides a lens through which to explore critical questions relating to contemporary religion in public life, and the institutionalisation of Islam in particular. Providing a rich description of the personnel, practice, and politics of contemporary Muslim chaplaincy, the authors consider the extent to which Muslim chaplaincy might be distinctive in Britain relative to the work of Muslim chaplains in the USA and other countries. This book will make a major contribution to international debate about the place of religion in public life and institutions. This book derives from research that has depended on exclusive access to a wide range of public institutions and personnel who largely work 'behind closed doors'. By making public the work of these chaplains and critically examining the impact of their work within and beyond their institutions, this book offers a groundbreaking study in the field of contemporary religion that will stimulate discussion for many years to come about Islam and Muslims in Western societies.

Chapter 1
Chaplaincy and British Muslims

Introduction

A convicted paedophile serving a life sentence in a high-security prison wishes to convert to Islam. He wants to talk to the Muslim chaplain about his decision, and would like him to hear his declaration of faith: ‘There is no God but God, and Muhammad is His Messenger’. Other prisoners are aware of the crimes committed by the prisoner. Somehow the chaplain must find credible religious arguments to persuade the other prisoners to accept this new Muslim as a legitimate member of the worldwide Muslim community (ummah) and the more local Muslim community within the prison. What Islamic resources and texts enable him to do this? How does he balance competing tensions and emotions around forgiveness and compassion, alongside anger and disgust?

Meanwhile, a newly appointed Muslim chaplain at a large further education college in the Midlands faces different dilemmas. The staff of the chaplaincy team are working together to prepare Easter gift packs for the Christian students, each pack containing a chocolate Easter egg, a prayer card with details of local church services and crosses made from palm leaves. The Muslim chaplain questions herself: by joining in with the preparation of the Easter packs and facilitating the celebrations, is she promoting a positive image of Muslim engagement in a multi-faith society, or compromising the indivisible unity of God, thereby committing a sin (shirk)? She asks a number of senior religious scholars (‘ulama) for advice, but they each offer different opinions.

Muslim chaplains employed in British institutions face interesting challenges of this kind every day. These men and women, working in full-time, part-time and voluntary roles, can be found in prisons, hospitals, educational institutions, HM Courts, shopping centres and airports, while others have formal association with police forces and leisure attractions. As the examples above indicate, they often have to decide how, and to what extent, Islamic traditions and practices can be accommodated within the confines of secular, multi-faith, public institutions. Decision-making often requires an ability to think and act contextually, and in light of both institutional policies and the principles of shari’ah (Islamic legal traditions).

In some prisons or hospitals, the Muslim chaplain is perhaps the only Muslim that other staff meet on a regular basis. In such a context, Muslim chaplains can become important educators about the Islamic tradition in the public sphere. Given their acquired understanding of the dynamics and politics that shape public institutions, their need to work as part of multi-faith chaplaincy teams, and their need to deploy skills of counselling and care with a cross-section of sometimes vulnerable people, Muslim chaplains are regarded by some as role models for the kind of professional religious leadership often sought within British Muslim communities more widely. In the light of these developments, the growing involvement of Muslims in chaplaincy provides a unique lens through which to consider major contemporary issues about Islamic religious leadership, and the place of Islam in the public sphere.

But who decides to become a Muslim chaplain, and why? What skills, training or experience do they bring to their role? Given that there is no formal institutionalised tradition of pastoral care in Islam, what do Muslim chaplains actually do, and how does their practice differ according to religious school of thought, ethnic background or gender? How are Muslim chaplains navigating their way through the politics that shape their work, whether this is within their institutions, among their various professional associations or in relation to the wider politics that surround Islam and Muslims in public life? These are some of the questions that Understanding Muslim Chaplaincy addresses, based on the first major empirical study of Muslim chaplaincy undertaken to date.

About this Book

This book provides a rich description of the personnel, practice and politics of contemporary Muslim involvement in chaplaincy in England and Wales, based on extensive qualitative research on religious leadership and pastoral care in Islam.1 To cover the breadth of our subject and to increase the accessibility of the book, we have kept theory and methodological discussion to a minimum. We are conscious that readers may come from a range of backgrounds, and that the interests of policymakers, Muslim chaplains and other religious professionals will be quite different to those of students or academics. It is also worth noting that much rich material from our research lies on the cutting-room floor. There are nuances and details of experiences that we would have liked to include, but have necessarily had to omit. In the following paragraphs, we briefly describe the contours of each chapter, so that readers can identify those parts of the book that will be of most interest to them.

Chapter 1 considers the emergence of Muslim chaplaincy roles within the wider context of the development of Muslim communities in Britain. The rationale for the research upon which the book is based is described, along with a brief discussion of research methods, sampling and data analysis techniques. We end by considering the major questions that are raised as a consequence of growing Muslim involvement in chaplaincy, for public institutions, for pastoral care practitioners and theorists and for Muslim communities themselves. Some readers may already be familiar with the rise and development of Muslim chaplaincy, or may be unconcerned with the details of research methodology, in which case, they should begin this book at Chapter 2.

In Chapter 2, we evaluate the evolution of Muslim involvement in chaplaincy from an Islamic theological perspective. We consider the way in which practical and spiritual care has historically been delivered in Muslim societies, via family and kinship networks, and via religious teachers and scholars. The basis for caring within Islamic societies and communities is considered in relation to key Quranic verses and hadith, alongside the example of the Prophet Muhammad himself. To date, there has been no articulate written account of the way in which Islamic traditions and scriptural sources are accommodated within contemporary chaplaincy practice. This is therefore an important chapter for situating Muslim chaplaincy within the wider Islamic tradition.

Chapter 3 reflects the first substantial discussion of empirical research findings. Here, we discuss the question of who decides to become a chaplain, and why? We reflect upon the kind of educational, religious and social capital that chaplains bring to their work, and consider the various routes by which chaplains are recruited. Additionally, we discuss how chaplaincy practice relates to career development and progression, and the place that education and training have for the acquisition of a professional identity as a chaplain. Considerations of gender are important in our evaluation; we reflect upon the way in which chaplaincy is enabling Muslim women in Britain to adopt professional religious roles.

Given that there is no tradition of institutionalised pastoral care in Islam, Chapter 4 considers what it is that chaplains actually do as they work in prisons, hospitals, HM courts or educational institutions. To what extent is their practice informed by Islamic sources, by institutional requirements, by the adaptation or ‘Islamisation’ of Christian pastoral care models, or perhaps a new hybrid of these and other factors? Based on ethnographic observations, focus group discussions and interview data, this chapter provides an in-depth discussion of the underlying practices that characterise the work of Muslim chaplains. We consider the tasks they perform that are distinctive to the Islamic tradition (for example facilitating Ramadan fasting), as well as duties that are shared with chaplains of other faiths, such as pastoral visiting or administration. In this case we explore what, if anything, makes their performance of this work distinctively ‘Islamic’.

The degree to which Muslims are now involved in chaplaincy has had implications within public institutions, and among chaplains themselves. Chapter 5 considers the micro- and macro-politics of Muslim involvement in chaplaincy, by considering, first of all, how Muslim chaplains have navigated their way through the politics of their own institutions, and more especially their location within multi-faith chaplaincy ‘teams’. How have they been incorporated into these ‘teams’, and what is their perception of the process? How is their work viewed by senior managers and employers, as contributing to the welfare of the organisation? Meanwhile, the macro-politics of Islam in Britain also shapes the work of Muslim chaplains. The rivalries and tensions in Muslim communities at a national level are reflected in the professional associations and interpersonal tensions among chaplains themselves. Many aspects of Islam in Britain can be seen in microcosm in the work of chaplains and the professional networks they have established to support their work. But the ‘Preventing Violent Extremism’ agenda of recent governments has perhaps had the most significant impact on the politics of Muslim chaplaincy, and this chapter provides a case study of how the politics of ‘Prevent’ have affected a distinctive group of British Muslim religious professionals.

Chapter 6 reflects on the structural location of chaplains as they work at the interface of public institutions, multi-faith chaplaincy teams and their own faith communities. Standing at the intersection of these different constituencies, they are perhaps uniquely placed to comment upon, and contribute to, the discourse surrounding the place of Muslims in Britain more widely. This chapter surveys the contribution that Muslim chaplains are playing within and beyond their institutions by considering the impact of chaplaincy practice upon ‘clients’, and the degree to which they value the services of Muslim chaplains. How and to what extent does the employment of Muslim chaplains ‘make a difference’ to the lived experience of being a British Muslim, and a sense that Islam has a recognised place within British society? How do chaplains themselves perceive the implications and impact of their work on Muslim communities in Britain, and to what extent are the skills and professionalism they are acquiring shaping patterns of religious leadership in mosques and other Islamic organisations?

Chapter 7 offers some international perspectives on Muslim involvement in chaplaincy, and argues that the growth (or not) of Muslim chaplaincy roles, whether in England and Wales, in the United States or in Europe, is a direct reflection of socio-political forces and complex religious histories. Based on a short period of empirical research in the United States, this chapter will consider what makes Muslim involvement in chaplaincy in England and Wales both similar to, and different from evolving models of chaplaincy in other parts of the world, especially the USA.

In Chapter 8, we explore how Muslim chaplaincy appears to be both similar to, and different from the work of Christian chaplains. How have Muslims been influenced by Christian models of pastoral care, and the undergirding principles that shape the working of public institutions, such as equality and diversity? The final chapter also provides scope to explore the implications of Muslim chaplaincy work as practiced in multi-faith contexts. What kind of social and religious capital do Muslim chaplains acquire as a consequence of their experiences of religious diversity, and how might these various forms of capital have significance for religion in public life more broadly?

The Growth and Development of Muslim Chaplaincy

A chaplain is an individual who provides religious and spiritual care within an organisational setting. Although this role has evolved from within the Christian churches, the term ‘chaplain’ is now increasingly associated with other faith traditions. Chaplains may be qualified religious professionals, or lay people, and while religious and pastoral care might be central to their role, the increasing complexity of many large public organisations has led to an expansion in the range of their activities.

Chaplaincy has a long history in British hospitals (Pattison 1994; Swift 2009), prisons (Priestly 1985), the military (Snape 2005) and industry (Fuller and Vaughan 1986), as well as many other sectors (Legood 1999a). The Christian churches have so far dominated this sphere of work; in England, the appointment of Anglican chaplains in particular, usually in the most senior post, has been an extension of the established character of the Church of England (Davie 1994). The 1952 Prison Act stipulates the appointment of an Anglican chaplain, whilst fulfilling the requirements of the Patients Charter of 1991, usually means the appointment of at least one Anglican chaplain in hospitals. Prison and hospital chaplaincy posts are publicly funded through taxes, and whilst the ‘sending churches’ endorse the qualifications and competence of chaplains from Christian denominations, they are the employees of the institutions in which they work. Other institutions also have a long history of employing chaplains (especially the military), while over the last 50 years chaplaincy has been developing in education and industry (agriculture, sports, fire services, leisure, shopping, airports, to name a few). These posts are usually funded either by religious communities, or by employing institutions. Over time, various Christian dominations, Jews and, more recently, members of other world religions have been drawn into chaplaincy work, and this has raised complex questions about the status of religion in the law and in public institutions (Beckford and Gilliat 1998). In many ways, chaplaincy provides a unique opportunity to observe various aspects of religion in Britain, in microcosm, especially in relation to increasing religious diversity.

This is especially the case in relation to the Muslim population in Britain which grew substantially following the migration of large numbers of South Asians to Britain in the post-Second World War period (Gilliat-Ray 2010b). Many of these migrants were drawn to Britain because of the abundance of unskilled and semiskilled employment in large manufacturing centres, such as London, Birmingham and northern towns and cities such as Leeds, Bradford and Manchester. As a consequence, Muslims are unevenly distributed around the UK, and some parts of Britain have very small (or non-existent) Muslim populations. Despite this, Muslims now comprise the second largest faith group in Britain overall, and approximately 4.8 per cent of the UK population. The employment of Muslim chaplains has often been a pragmatic and necessary way of ensuring that the religious rights of Muslim patients or prisoners are adequately fulfilled. Other institutions might employ Muslim chaplains for other strategic reasons, such as the wish to attract overseas (Muslim) students in the case of higher education institutions, or to increase the representation of ethnic minority personnel, in the case of the military.

Various academic studies in recent decades have begun to document the growth of Muslim involvement in institutionally based religious provision in Britain, either directly or indirectly. One of the first and most substantial pieces of research was undertaken in the mid-1990s at the University of Warwick.2 This work was centrally concerned with the role played by Anglican chaplains in facilitating arrangements for members of other faiths in English prisons and hospitals. Part of the research involved gathering data from ‘visiting ministers’ of other faiths, including Muslims, in order to establish the extent to which existing arrangements were satisfactory. Publications arising from this work provided a catalyst for substantial policy changes (especially in HM Prison Service) (Beckford and Gilliat 1998) and, later, new research on religion in prisons and other public institutions, often with a particular emphasis on the situation of Muslims and Islam (Beckford 1998; Beckford 2001; Beckford et al. 2005; Hunt 2011; Marranci 2009; Siddiqui 2007; Spalek and Wilson 2001; Tarleton et al. 2003). In more recent years, there has been an increasing political interest in the work of Muslim chaplains, fuelled by Preventing Violent Extremism policies. This has led to the production of a number of controversial reports about the recruitment and qualifications of Muslims engaged as chaplains in Britain (Brandon 2009; Mughal 2010).

Meanwhile, an academic interest in Muslim involvement in chaplaincy and pastoral care for Muslims in public institutions has been growing across Europe (Becci 2011; Furseth and Kuhle 2011), in the United States (Abu-Ras 2010; Ammar et al. 2004; Edward Jones 1989; Hamza 2007; Khoja-Moolji 2011; Lahaj 2009) and to a lesser extent in Australia (Cooper 2008). What becomes evident through these publications is that the development of Muslim involvement in chaplaincy often reflects national policies about religion in public life, and historic church-state arrangements. The gradual incorporation of Muslims into chaplaincy roles around the world has also contributed to an evolving perception that chaplaincy is no longer a distinctively Christian activity. Chaplaincy is now a ‘multi-faith’ endeavour.

It is difficult to place an exact timeline against the development of Muslim involvement in chaplaincy in Britain in particular, because of the extent of regional and institutional variation. The demography of particular localities and the politics of different institutions have usually determined the extent to which Muslims have become incorporated into chaplaincy over time. Despite this caveat, in general it would be fair to say that early Muslim involvement in prison or hospital pastoral care in Britain, especially from about the 1970s up to and including the 1990s, tended to be haphazard, locally organised and largely focused upon meeting the basic religious needs of patients or inmates, such as ensuring the provision of halal food, making suitable arrangements for prayer facilities and enabling the celebration of Eid festivals.

Those Muslims involved in prison or hospital visiting were often termed ‘visiting ministers’. Their work was often voluntary, and usually confined to several hours per week, if that. Sometimes visiting ministers were mosque-based imams, but because many imams working in Britain in the 1970s or 1980s could not speak adequate English, it was not unusual for visiting ministers to be so-called ‘community leaders’, this term often applying to Muslim (usually male) professionals with good standing in the locality, or within a particular mosque community. It was also common for the term ‘visiting minister’ to be applied to existing institutional staff members, such as Muslim doctors, or simply well-meaning members of a Muslim congregation who had time to spare and a reasonable fluency in English. The term ‘visiting minister’ was therefore applied to individuals with a wide range of backgrounds, and their designation as ‘visiting ministers’ fully conveyed the fact that, generally speaking, they had only a marginal involvement in the life of the institution. They were ‘on call’ when necessary, but were rarely able to make strategic decisions, or to shape the context in which they were working (Spalek and Wilson 2001).

The 1990s was a critical decade for change. There were still many Muslim ‘visiting ministers’ going into prisons and hospitals, but some institutions were starting to advertise full or half-time posts for ‘Muslim Chaplains’ (especially in the health care setting), and a new Muslim professional religi...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Dedication
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of Figures
• List of Abbreviations
• Notes on Authors
• Foreword
• Preface and Acknowledgements
• Chapter 1 Chaplaincy and British Muslims
• Chapter 2 Pastoral Care in Islam
• Chapter 3 Chaplaincy People
• Chapter 4 Chaplaincy Practice
• Chapter 5 Chaplaincy Politics
• Chapter 6 The Impact of Chaplaincy
• Chapter 7 Muslim Chaplaincy in the United States of America
• Chapter 8 Chaplaincy, Religious Diversity and Public Life
• Glossary
• References
• Index