Chapter 1
The Disguised Ruler on the Elizabethan Stage
Shakespeareâs Measure for Measure, Marstonâs The Malcontent and Middletonâs The Phoenix are often presented as the ultimate expressions of disguised ruler drama. From this perspective, Duke Vincentio, Duke Altofronto and the Prince/Phoenix are archetypal disguised rulers, written specifically for a Jacobean playgoing audience. As playwrights, Shakespeare, Marston and Middleton thus become the principal exponents of very overt political commentary on the nationâs new Scottish monarch. This argument results in an occasionalist focus on Jamesâs accession as the sole catalyst for subsequent disguised ruler play activity. Such a reading effectively denies the importance of another, earlier Shakespearean disguised ruler â King Henry in Henry V â who travels among his Agincourt troops on the eve of battle gleaning personal insight and knowledge. Because Henry V resides within Shakespeareâs Elizabethan canon, and does not fit an anxiety-inducing model of Jacobean surveillance, its disguised ruler is ignored or dismissed by new historicist critics as an inconvenient aberration.1 This myopia is unfortunate, since Henryâs exploit echoes similar episodes in plays from the 1580s and 1590s that dramatize kings and princes disguising themselves for personal or political ends. Many of these plays engage with a folktale narrative popularized in ballads, pamphlets and provincial revelries the nation over: the legend of Robin Hood.2
Henry V is likewise significant because it combines two distinctive subgenres of history-based drama. These generic categories â the âcomical historiesâ and the âChronicle Historiesâ â are differentiated by their respective source material, the first medieval and mythical, the second more recent in its historicized Tudor bias. The subgenre to which Henry V most obviously belongs is the âChronicle Historiesâ, a grouping more highly regarded because of its generic association with Shakespeareâs First Folio. The âChronicle Historiesâ based their narratives on sixteenth-century historiography disseminated in the Tudor Chronicles of writers such as Edward Hall, Richard Grafton, Raphael Holinshed and John Stow.3 These chroniclers periodized the reigns of the English monarchs, celebrating certain historical âfactsâ and, in the process, legitimizing the dynastic pretensions of their royal patrons. When repeated in Shakespearean drama, these Chronicle âfactsâ helped create a collective cultural awareness and English national consciousness. As Peter Saccio states, this process âetched upon the common memoryâ a selective, Tudor-biased sense of medieval history that remains with us today.4 The Tudor Chronicles therefore influenced the anonymous Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth (c. mid-1580s) and Troublesome Reign of John, King of England (c. 1589), the anonymous manuscript (possibly Shakespeareâs, possibly Samuel Rowleyâs) Thomas of Woodstock (c. 1592), Christopher Marloweâs Edward II (c. 1592), the Shakespeare collaboration King Edward III (c. 1592â1593), Shakespeareâs First and Second Tetralogies (c. 1590â1599), King John (c. 1596), and (later) Shakespeare and Fletcherâs Henry VIII (c. 1613).5
The âChronicle Historiesâ developed alongside the âcomical historiesâ. These âcomical historiesâ, which incorporate their historical protagonists into fantastic comedy narratives based on medieval myth and legend, include Robert Greeneâs Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay (c. 1589), Greeneâs George a Greene (c. 1590) and George Peeleâs Edward I (c. 1591). Unlike the âChronicle Historiesâ, which derived their historicized narratives from the Tudor Chronicles, the âcomical historiesâ owed their fanciful adventures to the medieval chronicle tradition. Ivo Kamps thus describes the âcomical historyâ plays as less concerned with the âtransient stream of human incidentsâ underlying the Tudor dynastic past, and more with quasi-historical or mythical events designed as lessons about the present.6 The medieval chronicles often foregrounded instances of localized and secularized social unrest within a framework of royal romance and wooing adventurism. Eventually superseded by the Tudor Chronicles, these folkloric medieval chronicles influenced English drama from the 1560s until the decline of the history plays in the late 1620s.7 Thus, Henry Vâs appearance in 1599 marks a generic crossroads between the âChronicle Historiesâ and âcomical historiesâ, when several history plays present disguised rulers as romantic and mythical individuals, who are also pragmatically political in their illicit actions.
Both the âcomical historiesâ and the âChronicle Historiesâ rely on a shared English consciousness to supply ârealâ royal characters and events. The âcomical historiesâ were, as their wooing narratives suggest, best suited to the representation of romantic adventures and themes based on medieval mythology. One relevant recurring theme, dating back to twelfth-century balladry, is often associated with Arthurian romance and with Robin Hood: the âking and subjectâ meeting of a disguised ruler with his lowly countryman.8 Although generally arising from some chance encounter or prior disagreement, this meetingâs inevitable resolution guarantees recognition of the kingâs flexibility and the subjectâs deep-seated loyalty.9 This âking and subjectâ theme perpetuates the myth of an unmediated line of communication between a monarch and his people. It thus confirms the hegemonic predominance of an accessible, all-seeing royal authority. Conversely, it also highlights underlying tensions among the nationâs aggrieved though silent masses.10
An early example of the âking and subjectâ theme appears in A Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode (traceable to c. 1450, although possibly of twelfth-century origin).11 Published repeatedly throughout the sixteenth century, the Geste cycle was particularly popular in the latter years of Elizabethâs reign. In the âCoplandâ edition of A Mery Geste of Robyn Hoode (c. 1560), the âking and subjectâ meeting and resolution occurs when the King borrows âmonkes wedeâ for himself and five of his best knights (1467â9ff.).12 Disguised as a wealthy abbot, the King and his retinue, thus âclothed in grayâ (as âGrey-Friarsâ of the English Franciscan Order), ride into Nottingham Forest to entice Robin Hood out of hiding (1485â90ff.). This late-medieval disguised ruler immediately suggests similar monkâs and friarâs costumes worn by later stage monarchs. Robin Hoodâs popularity in ballads and pamphlets ensured that the mythical heritage of such disguises was easily recognizable to early modern audiences. The Geste cycle also confirms this long folkloric tradition, with the Robin Hood legend illustrating the benefit (for a king if not necessarily his subjects) of royal disguise.
Analysis of the wealth of incidental evidence in English parish records, made available through the REED project, confirms the enduring interest in Robin Hood throughout the Elizabethan era.13 These documents also highlight widespread social problems associated with secular pageants and community fairs. Parish records indicate, for example, that raucous behaviour and other trouble regularly accompanied local âtheatricalâ re-enactments of the Robin Hood stories.14 Since these lowly, localized community revelries are inevitably ephemeral, few formal accounts remain. These same records nonetheless link Robin Hood with varied rural pursuits, including festivities and drunken riotousness. The Robin Hood legend, as Peter HappĂ© argues, was thus âetched upon the common memoryâ of English society.15
In dramatic form, the outlawâs adventures provide a commonplace focus for two lost plays, the anonymous Robin Hood and Little John (1594) and William Haughtonâs Robin Hoodâs Pennâorths (1600), as well as the anonymous (possibly Anthony Wadesonâs) Look About You (1600).16 Likewise, Robin Hood is central to Anthony Mundayâs tragic play, The Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntingdon (c. I598), its Munday/Henry Chettle sequel, The Death of Robert Earl of Huntingdon (both published 1601), and numerous other sixteenth-century plays.17 Indeed, the legend is even discernible in a play written perhaps a decade before Henryâs Agincourt adventure â Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay. With its âcomical historyâ narrative, Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay stresses the value of disguise and secretly acquired knowledge, while presenting royal subterfuge that features the Lincoln green costume of Englandâs favourite subversive character.
Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay: Royal Disguise and Foolâs Motley
Robert Greeneâs Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay (c. 1589, Strangeâs[?], published 1594), a fanciful tale based in thirteenth-century England, features Edward, Prince of Wales, the future Edward I and son of Henry III.18 Reprinted almost every decade up to 1700, the play has a complicated and vague early history. It was originally performed sometime between 1589 and 1591, possibly by Strangeâs Men at the Rose, or by the Queenâs Men at the Theatre in Shoreditch.19 It appeared again in 1593, this time definitely performed by Strangeâs Men at the Rose, and was revived by the Queenâs company in 1594 in collaboration with Sussexâs Men, again at the Rose.20 Two years after their transfer to the newly-built Fortune, the Admiralâs Men revived the play for a December 1602 performance at court, with an additional (lost) Prologue and Epilogue by Middleton (presumably written sometime before The Phoenix).21 Despite the vagueness of Friar Baconâs early performance history, this catalogue of revival and revision demonstrates its continued dramatic appeal. The playâs longevity appears linked to its use of English moral and mythical themes that suited the nationalistic fervour (and national unease) that followed the failed Spanish Armada invasion of 1588.22 Jingoistic patriotism was at its height and Friar Bacon became reassuringly topical for a nation uncomfortably aware of its queenâs age, her lack of a natural succ...