Chapter 1
The Groove
Introduction
The truth is in the groove! The truth is in the groove! (Nathan 1999: 142â3)
Record label bosses took up this chant in April 1981 at a Billboard-sponsored conference in Athens. It was their response to the compact disc, the digital format that had recently been unveiled by its joint developers Sony and Philips. The problems began when Norio Ohga, Sonyâs deputy executive president, attempted to promote the prototype CD player, a device that threatened to replace vinylâs analogous grooves with alienating zeros-and-ones. The focus of the protest was apt. The groove has been the one constant in the analogue recordâs evolution. Its thread can be traced from vinyl records back to shellac; from there to Emile Berlinerâs original gramophone discs; and preceding these to Thomas Edisonâs cylinders, the first recording devices to audibly reproduce sound. And its truth? Well, that lies in language. The groove is a text that dissolves the difference between signifier and signified.
The Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure divided language into two component parts: there is the word as written (the âsignifierâ) and there is the concept that that word seeks to describe (the âsignifiedâ) (Saussure 1966). He argued that the relationship between the two is arbitrary. For example, there is nothing rose-like about the word rose; like all words its form as letters on a page bears no relation to its existence as a thing. This is not the case with the writing on a record; here a natural force makes the inscription. As implied by the names âphonographâ and âgramophoneâ, both of which derive from the Greek for âsound-writingâ, it is sound itself that decides the patterns of the groove.
C.S. Peirce used the term âindexicalâ to describe instances where the signifier is causally related to the signified, the classic examples being smoke and fire, and thunder and lightning (1960: 170â72). The recordâs groove can be grouped with these, but it is also beyond them. Sound creates the groove (thereâs no smoke without fire); but the groove can also reanimate the sound (thereâs no fire without smoke); furthermore, the groove is extant whether it is reanimated or not (here there is smoke without fire). It is within this web of relationships that fascination with the groove lies.
This chapter traces the evolution and development of the grooved recording. It also examines the ways that the groove has been thought about and used. The groove has particular qualities: it is indexical and yet it can exist in its own right. As a consequence, there has been fascination with its appearance: from the beginnings of recorded sound people have sought to understand its graphic traces. There has also been fascination with the fact that the groove can be touched: people have taken advantage of the fact that these patterns of sound can be accessed and manipulated. Finally, there has been fascination with the grooveâs mortality. The groove was the first means of preserving a ârecordâ of sound; however the groove itself also needed to be preserved. Its aging process has been a source of both frustration and pleasure.
LĂ©on Scottâs Phonautograph
The prototypes of todayâs vinyl discs are the records developed by Emile Berliner in the late 1880s for his playback invention, the gramophone. The groove itself was first reanimated in order to produce sound in 1877 when Thomas Edison introduced his phonograph and its cylinder recordings. And yet both of these inventors mention a forebear. Announcing his gramophone at the Franklin Institute in 1888 Berliner stated that the Phonautograph, invented by Edouard-LĂ©on Scott de Martinville in 1856, was the point of origin for his playback device and for his laterally grooved records (Berliner 1888a). Thomas Edison, viewing the same machine at the Smithsonian Institute, expressed surprise that Scott âhaving gone so farâ had not beaten him in his work (Lewis-Young 1907b: 576).
Berliner took pains to describe the workings of the Phonautograph during his Franklin Institute address, as well as highlighting the influence it had upon Edisonâs invention:
[It] had for its purpose the recording of sound vibrations upon a cylinder rotated by hand and moved forward by a screw. The cylinder was covered with paper, this was smoked over a flame, and a stylus attached to the centre of the diaphragm under the influence of words spoken into a large barrel-like mouthpiece, would trace sound vibrations upon the smoky surface. Scott also employed an animal membrane for his diaphragm, and took pains, by means of an attachment called a sub-divider, to make the vibrations appear as large as possible. This sub-divider, became the prototype of the dampers in subsequent apparatus, like the ⊠Edison phonograph. (1988a: 3â4)
There is a crucial difference between Edisonâs and Scottâs machines, however. Edisonâs phonograph holds the distinction of being the first device to audibly reproduce sound. Scottâs Phonautograph was attempting a different feat: its aim was to represent sound visually. It was designed, Scott claimed, to capture the ânatural stenographyâ of noise (Sterne 2003: 45). The vibrations that the Phonautograph traced were to be photographed and then studied, with the aim of decoding this new language. There was no thought that the inscriptions should be reconverted into sound.
This supposed oversight elicited Edisonâs puzzled reaction at the Smithsonian Institute. He viewed his own machine as the next obvious step, but is this really the case? With Scottâs machine a natural phenomenon â sound â was the author. The reader of its script was always intended to be human. With Edisonâs phonograph the âstylusâ takes over; a writing instrument reads for us. This was unprecedented, a leap that Edison himself regarded as a discovery rather than an invention.
Discovery of the Phonograph
Thomas Edison registered 1,093 United States patents and yet out of all of these the phonograph was his favourite: âWhich do I consider my greatest?â he pondered, âWell, my reply to that would be that I like the phonograph bestâ (Edison 1948: 169). Edison claimed that sound recording was a lucky breakthrough, one that he had not sought (Millard: 37). The irony here is that another person was looking for it. The French amateur scientist and poet Charles Cros conceived a phonograph slightly earlier than Edison, but failed to gain backing for his ideas or to produce a working model.
On 30 April 1877 Cros deposited a sealed envelope with the AcadĂ©mie des sciences de France containing his paper on the âProcess of Recording and of Reproducing Audible Phenomenaâ:
In general, my process consists in obtaining the tracing of the to-and-fro movements of a vibrating membrane, and the utilization of this tracing for reproducing the same to-and-fro movement, with their relative inherent durations and intensities in the same membrane, or in another adapted for furnishing the sounds and noises which result from this series of movements ⊠A light stylus is connected with the centre of a vibrating membrane; it terminates in a point (metallic wire, the barb of a feather, etc.), which bears upon a surface blackened by a flame. This surface is a part of a disc to which is given a double movement of rotation and rectilinear progression. (Cros 1920: 630)
Emile Berliner believed that if this machine been constructed it would have represented âa modified Scott phonautographâ (1888a: 6).
The first publicity Crosâs paper received was in an article written by the AbbĂ© Lenoir for La Semaine du clergĂ©, published 10 October 1877. This piece is prescient in two respects. First, the AbbĂ© Lenoir names Crosâs invention the âphonographâ. Second, he has the foresight to see that the machine will be used for reproducing music:
By means of this instrument which, if we were called upon to serve as godfather, we should christen phonograph, it will be possible to take photographs of the voice as we now take them of the face ⊠Will that not be one of the most curious things that can possibly be imagined? To sit for a while and listen, for example, to the singing of some song which has rendered such-and-such a singer famous, and to hear this song rendered with the same identical voice by a simple physical instrument named the phonograph. (Buick 1927: 20)
On 3 December 1877 Cros requested that his sealed paper be read and made public. Roland Gelatt, writer of one of the first authoritative histories of sound recording, regards this âa move presumably stimulated by reports of Edisonâs successful experiments in Americaâ (1977: 24).
The chronology of the events of 1877 makes it almost certain that Edison had no awareness of Crosâs paper when he embarked on the development of his machine. His phonograph was the by-product of his own, separate ventures. This machine, according to Robert Conot, âwas the offspring of entirely different inventions; an inimitable mutationâ (1979: 97). Among the ideas that Edison had been exploring were a speaker for the telephone, a copying machine based on the electromagnetic principle, technology and devices for the automatic telegraph, and ways in which Western Union could employ the telephone in their operations. Like LĂ©on Scott, Edison was originally inspired by thoughts of making sound visible. However, where Scottâs inspiration was scientific, Edisonâs was commercial. The investigations that he was undertaking for Western Union led him to contemplate the possibility that the sound waves of telephone calls might be captured visually and then be translated into written text.
In his article âThe Perfected Phonographâ Edison writes of contemplating the possibility that âthe sound waves set going by a human voice might be so directed as to trace an impression upon some solid substanceâ. He continues:
My own discovery that this could be done came to me almost accidentally while I was busy with experiments having a different object in view. I was engaged upon a machine intended to repeat Morse characters ⊠In manipulating this paper I found that when the cylinder carrying the indented paper was turned with great swiftness, it gave off a humming noise from the indentations â a musical, rhythmic sound resembling that of human talk heard indistinctly. This led me to try fitting a diaphragm to the machine, which would receive the vibrations or sound-waves made by my voice when I talked to it, and register these vibrations upon an impressible material placed on the cylinder ⊠I saw at once that the problem of registering human speech, so that it could be repeated by mechanical means as often as might be desired, was solved. (1888: 642â3)
The leap had occurred. Edison was now considering the mechanical reproduction, rather than the transcription, of visualized sound. In his laboratory notebooks of 18 July 1877 he writes: âJust tried experiment with diaphragm having an embossing point and held against paraffin paper moving rapidly. The speaking vibrations are indented nicely, and thereâs no doubt that I shall be able to store up and reproduce automatically at any future time the human voice perfectlyâ (Conot 1979: 99â100).
The first public disclosure of this discovery was contained in Edisonâs English Telephone Patent of 30 July 1877, in which he states that âsome portions of my improvement can be availed of to make a record of the atmospheric sound wavesâ (Wile 1977: 17). The next evidence of his thinking is provided in his notebook drawings of August 1877. Although the date of some of these drawings has been disputed, it would appear that Edison was by this point planning recording experiments that would use tinfoil wrapped around a cylinder (Conot 1979: 100; Wile 1977: 18). He had also christened his invention the âphonographâ. For Edison this term had textual connotations: as a teenage telegrapher he had used Ben Pitmanâs shorthand method, as outlined in the Manual of Phonography (Gitelman 1999: 62).
On 7 September 1877 Edison wrote out a press release relating to his findings. This would therefore have been composed over a month before Charles Crosâs phonograph was publicized in La Semaine du ClergĂ©. At this point, however, Edison had not produced a working model of his machine. Conot believes that this decisive event took place early the following month (1979: 106). On 3 December 1877 â the day that Crosâs sealed paper was opened â Edison, together with his assistants Charles Batchelor and Jim Adams, sketched out three possible formats for the groove: a continuous strip, a disc or a cylinder. The following day Edison asked his mechanic John Kruesi to build a machine based on the latter design. This original phonograph consisted of the cylinder, which was wrapped with tinfoil, and two separate diaphragm-and-needle units, one of which was used for recording, the other for playing the recording back. At the commencement of the recording the cylinder would be rotated along a hand-cranked screw, and as it revolved the needle would indent the tinfoil with a groove.
On the evening of 4 December 1877 the phonograph was tested by Edison in front of a small group of his assistants. Legend has it that his first recording was the nursery rhyme âMary Had a Little Lambâ. When it re-emerged through the machine it was a shock to him. He later commented, âI was never so taken aback in my life â I was always afraid of things that worked the first timeâ (Read and Welch 1976: 18).
Development of the Groove
The first US patent was issued for Edisonâs phonograph on 19 February 1878. Henceforth, those wishing to enter the fledging record business would have to do so either by obtaining the rights to manufacture Edisonâs machine or by introducing patentable recording devices of their own. The latter path led to new types of groove.
There was a gap in the market too. Edisonâs serendipitous invention was launched without any specific purpose in mind. In his 1877 notebooks he had tumbled out ideas:
I propose to apply the phonograph principle to make Dolls speak sing cry & make various sounds also apply it to all kinds of Toys such as Dogs animals fowls reptiles human figures to cause them to make various sounds to Steam Toy Engines exhausts & whistles = to reproduce from sheets music both orchestral instrumental & vocal ⊠I also propose to make toy music boxes & toy talking boxes playing several tunes also to clocks and watches for calling out the time of day or waking a person for advertisements rotated continuously by clockwork. (Conot 1979: 106)
The tinfoil phonograph in fact functioned as a curiosity. In its advertising the Edison Speaking Phonograph Company admitted that âThe adaptation of this wonderful invention to the practical uses of commerce not having, as yet, been completed in all its mechanical details, this company is now prepared to offer to the public only that design or form of apparatus which has been found best adapted to its exhibition as a noveltyâ (Gelatt 1977: 26). In 1878 the phonograph was toured around America and Europe illustrating the wonders, but not the practical applications, of recorded sound. It could do little more. W.H. Preece, who gave the first phonograph demonstration in England, said of the machineâs reproduction, âto some extent it is a burlesque or parody of the human voiceâ (ibid.: 30). ThĂ©odore du Moncel, who was given the same duty in France, stated âwe have only heard the harsh and unpleasant voice of Punchâ (1879: 335). They were lucky to have produced any results at all. Edison later admitted, âno one but an expert could get anything intelligible back from itâ (Gelatt 1977: 26).
Consequently, interest in the phonograph withered. Even Edison neglected the machine in favour of new work. The Philadelphia Record captured the scene at his laboratory circa 1880:
Electric light is the one absorbing subject of thought and the one object of attention at Menlo Park ⊠The mysterious phonograph, the capacities of which for receiving messages and transmitting them again, either instantly or a hundred years hence, astonished the world, was carelessly pointed out to a reporter with about the same degree of interest as a boarding-school miss would allude to a discarded doll or that a full-grown man would exhibit a kit made in the days of his boyhood. (âThe Coming Lightâ 1880: 1)
It took the arrival of the Graphophone to reawaken his interest. Patented in 1886, this derivative machine was the work of Charles Sumner Tainter and the brothers Chichester and Alexander Graham Bell. The Graphophoneâs parentage was admitted: the first recording said to have been made on it declared, âG-r-r- I am a graphophone and my mother was a phonographâ (Barfe 2004: 13). Nevertheless, the machine does bring us closer to later record players and their discs in several important ways. First, in place of tinfoil, the team introduced a more durable recording substance: cardboard coated with wax (this also allowed for a greater concentration of grooves). Second, Edisonâs static reproducing needle was replaced with a âfloating stylusâ that was guided by the diaphragm and by the record itself. Finally, rather than âindentâ, as in Edisonâs recording process, the Graphophoneâs stylus âincisedâ the grooves. The inventors argued that indenting a material merely changes its shape, whereas incising involves the removal of material. On this basis they were given patent rights to manufacture their machine. Edison responded in June 1888 with his âPerfected Phonographâ, a device that employed each of these advancements. In the following month the investor Jesse H. Lippincott purchased the rights to manufacture both the Graphophone and Edisonâs new phonograph. He then created the North American Phonograph Company to license them for use in business as dictation machines.
The German Ă©migrĂ© Emile Berliner chose a different format and a different path for the gramophone. Patented in 1887, his device used discs and their proposed content was music rather than office work. As the disc itself was not a patentable device, Berlinerâs gramophone patents instead focused on his development of the groove. The pathway that Edison had chosen for the phonographâs groove was an up-and-down movement (dubbed the âhill-and-daleâ motion). Berliner argued that this was the wrong way for the groove to progress. He maintained that the further a groove had to burrow into a resistant material the worse its sound quality would be. Influenced by LĂ©on Scott and Charles Cros, Berliner instead used a lateral movement for his discs (Berliner 1887: 4).
Berlinerâs lateral movement was used for the majority of disc recordings until the mid twentieth century. Its eventual successor was Alan Blumleinâs 45°/45° groove, the development that solved the problem of stereo reproduction. As early as 1917 George L. Gresham had written, âit is sad to reflect that every gramophone is one-earedâ (1917: 284). His own stereo suggestion had been to split the recording across two separate discs. The French company PathĂ© had previously arrived at a different solution: prior to the First World War they manufactured experimental stereo discs, which contained the left and right channels in two separate grooves. Others had suggested using the grooves on either side of the disc. Blumleinâs 45°/45° system provided the more effective solution of cutting stereo signals into either side of a single V-shaped groove. This groove progressed both laterally and vertically: the lateral movement reproducing the sum of the left and right signals, and the vertical movement giving their difference. Ratified as industry standard in 1958, the 45°/45° cut has subsequently been employed for all stereo analogue discs.
Sound and Vision
What is striking about early reports on the phonograph is that the text of the recording is always mentioned. Despite Edisonâs breakthrough regarding the storing and reproduction of sound there is still a desire to read as well as hear its inscription. On 7 December 1877 the phonograph was displayed to the staff of the Scientific Ameri...