Introduction
Migration holds the potential to be contemporary societyâs most significant social force for building urgently needed forms of wider human commonalities, cooperation and solidarity. Migrants put us in touch with the ways in which societies have moulded their distinct histories which are now woven into the present. The cultures brought by immigrants represent distinct logics honed in the particular social and physical conditions and contingencies in their places of origin. The encounter with the majority populations in destination or âreceivingâ countries involves, as it has through the ages, a multi-faceted, challenging and rewarding effort to work through the terms of co-existence, membership and belonging. Multicultural society is a singular testimony to peopleâs and societiesâ capacity to develop.
Among the many changes brought about by modern-day immigration is increased ethnocultural diversity, since migrants come from a broader range of countries. In this new phase of change in societies, ethnocultural diversity seems to occupy a prominent place in discourse and to represent a novel challenge for public policy and human service approaches. The migrant integration field offers opportunities for forging new forms of cooperation. This what integration is really about, even when it tends to be understood in receiving societies in terms of ethnic difference, a perspective moulded through processes of the ethnification of majority nationalismâ (Gullestad, 2000, p.60).
This first chapter will focus on ways of conceptualizing and understanding broader migration-related processes and phenomena. The chapter presents migration and immigration in relation to forces that have shaped and continue to shape these processes. It sets the context for settlement and integration processes which are impacted upon both by the immigrants themselves in agency roles, and by the receiving societies and its institutions. The themes presented here include types of migration, migration dynamics and policy considerations, mobility options for forced migrants, globalization, and attitudes to migration in receiving societies.
In 2013, according to the UN global migration statistics, 3 per cent of the worldâs population (232 million international migrants) were living abroad worldwide (UNESCO, 2014). International migration is predicted to continue throughout the twenty-first century at a high level. Labour markets and economies are becoming increasingly interconnected and are encouraging labour mobility. At the same time, in economically developed destination countries the populations are ageing and the native work force base is shrinking (Vogel and Triandafyllidou, 2005). Migration can open access to employment, acquisition of skills and training, as well as improvement of life conditions and life chances. For both the destination and source countries it is a driver of development and growth (UNESCO, 2014).
The global context of international migration is marked by deep socioeconomic inequalities and the associated turmoil of political instability. One of the main causes of migration is growing inequality in incomes and human security between more- and less-developed countries (Castles, 2013). For particular individuals and groups in countries where human rights are abused or endangered, migration constitutes a âsafety valveâ in the very literal sense of âsafetyâ, and the only alternative of flight for preserving the human right to life.
Migration is an important facet of globalization and international development. As Castles (2003) points out, the forces that drive migration are complex and embedded deeply in general processes of social transformation. Contemporary migrations should therefore be understood in the context of broader social processes with their own systems of dynamics. These social processes can be grouped under three key principles: âthe importance of migrant agency, the self-sustaining nature of migratory processes once they are started, and the emergence of structural dependence of both emigration and immigration countriesâ (Castles, 2004, p.222). If the full benefits of migration are to be derived and its challenging aspects adequately addressed, far-sighted policies and interventions will have to be explored and prioritized across the many societies which participate in migration, either in sending, receiving or both categories.
Labour Migration
Unequal and uneven economic development in different countries means that opportunity is concentrated in particular regions, societies or sectors. For people who face the threat of economic marginalization, one of the obvious and very traditional responses is migration, whether domestic, to neighbouring countries or further afield. Migration can be a valuable livelihood strategy for individuals and their families. Younger persons are often better resourced for embarking on migration. Youth advantages include health, fewer family or community ties and responsibilities, and importantly, longer term prospects of reaping benefits from migration. Depending on their socioeconomic situation, families and communities often are supportive in many ways of younger adultsâ livelihood migration. These circumstances are some of the main catalysts of more recent migration flows from economically peripheral regions to more prosperous centres, and from youthful to ageing societies, where the need for labour replacement has been growing for some time and will continue to do so. However, the reality is that in all too many instances, migration remains a harsh necessity or a last resort involving privation and not infrequently the danger of physical harm (UNRISD, 1994).
Cross-border labour migration might appear to be a less usual or even atypical livelihood strategy. Yet in prior and recent history labour migration has been a commonly accepted way for pursuing livelihood opportunities and welfare for families and individuals (Aguomy, 2009). Gabaccia (2006) states that while most humans at any one period of time have remained sedentary, long-distance, culture-crossing movements have occurred during every era of human history. According to the UNRISD (1994), contemporary movements of people in search of a better life may be proportionally of similar scale to those at certain times in the nineteenth century. Inglis (1996) notes that due to the wide range of countries from which immigrants now migrate, the ethnocultural composition of many societies has been exponentially increasing as a result of the migration movements which commenced in the 1980s. She makes the point that the economic and political events which underlie current movements are different from the previous major waves of international migration in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which comprised an exodus of voluntary emigrants from Europe to the New World.
In the course of broader historical, sociopolitical and socioeconomic developments, the advent of highly regulated national borders and heightened national sentiment have meant that border-crossing puts most forms of labour migration in a less favourable light. Castles (2013, p.122) states that currently âMost destination countries favour entry of the highly skilled, but restrict entry of lower-skilled workers, asylum seekers and refugeesâ. At the same time, international migration and internal mobility are a significant way of addressing growing demographic and economic disparities. When they move, most migrants manage to improve their income, access to education, or personal security, even as they contribute to the welfare of their regions of origin. They might also be exposed to vulnerability as they face the risk of being exploited or subject to discrimination situations (Munz, 2013).
Remaining In Place
The other face of migration â âremaining in placeâ â should be included in migration discussions. Non-migration or being sedentary can be a free and optimal choice of individuals. On the other hand, for some in precarious living situations, remaining-in-place can be an involuntary condition caused by individualsâ lack of possibilities, resources, or opportunities to seek opportunity or safety elsewhere. Thomas-Hope (2009, xxx) reminds us that
while globalization in terms of the distribution of the power of capital produces the international and national landscape of labour supply and demand, not all persons or groups are empowered by circumstance to traverse across it in the same directions or with the same degree of facilitation. The selectivity of immigration regulations at the destinations introduces freedoms for particular groups to enter a particular country based upon specific criteria.
Transnational activities, including the flow of remittances across borders, are fuelled in large part by migrantsâ obligations, responsibilities and familial solidarities with those who are in place in the homeland. Migrants do not cut their ties to the homeland or restrict their life sphere to the settlement country. They often place great importance on maintaining their transnational ties. These also need to be taken into account in policies and programmes that aim at holistic integration approaches. Conventional approaches that treat migration and integration in the light of a permanent settlement mode would need to be broadened to reflect ânew realities of global mobility and connectivityâ (Castles, 2013, p.122).
Globalization
Globalization is often perceived as accelerating global interconnectedness and bringing about a fundamental transformation of all aspects of life. Bisley (2007, p.21) states that âsociological understandings of globalization focus on the way in which the compression of social space is reconfiguring basic human relationships. According to de Beer (2009) globalization can be defined as increasing cross-border interactions, which can be economic, social or political. Individual actors, collective corporate or state actors and many diverse groupings take part in globalized interaction in economic, social or political fields. de Beer (2009) gives the example of international trading companies who interact on all three levels: on the economic level through transactions with other companies and markets; through social interaction when they employ people of diverse cultural backgrounds; and by political linking with local and national bodies and governments.
de Beer (2009) explains how societies open up in different ways to globalizing processes.
Economically countries engage in cross-border economic exchanges which are evidenced in flows of goods, services, and capital. Political openness refers to international political relations with other countries, including bilateral agreements and relations as well as membership of larger organizations such as the UN, EU and NATO, for example. Social openness refers to the flows of information, ideas (culture) and people crossing borders and facilitated by technological developments in electronic communication and the Internet. Migration and travel â the movement of people between different countries is one facet of social openness (de Beer, 2009, pp.107â8)
Migration â in-migration and out-migration â is indeed closely related to the social openness of societies, but a comprehensive frame for migration would recognize the interrelatedness of economic, political and social factors in shaping the characteristics of very diverse migration flows and processes. Migration is an integral part of global processes, and in the long run, probably one of the most socially influential. In one sense migration arises from, and is shaped by economic, political and social processes. In another, nearly all societies are being impacted in different ways by the migration flows.
Delanty (2009, p.1) describes the way that globalization processes have transformed social relations especially in the context of âthe overwhelming interconnectivity of the worldâ. In his analysis of globalization, Beck (2000) draws attention to how national states are being criss-crossed and undermined by transnational actors. Yet globalization is not yet overcoming the state. Globalization is a current phase of social change, while the state itself has been able to respond to changing circumstances for centuries. Adaptability has been its hallmark and central to its success (Bisley, 2007). State boundaries are very firmly in place, and still constitute a formidable factor in determining the nature and volume of migration flows and the intertwined destinies of those who would cross interstate borders.
Mehdi (2004) states that when viewed from a historical perspective, globalization does not signify the emergence of an economic system that is radically different from the one we now have. As pointed out by Bisley (2007) global linkages between disparate human communities have existed for thousands of years. An extensive economy was established between the eighth and thirteenth centuries by the Islamic caliphate. It extended over conquered lands of North Africa, parts of Europe and the Middle East, and the trading networks of Eastern Africa and Central and Eastern Asia. The âvital elements of human existenceâ were being shaped in former periods of history by inter-continental linkages of trade, investment, conquest and explorationâ (Bisley, 2007, p.35).
Mehdi (2004, p.12) thus describes globalization as âa complex, indeterminate process, operating very unevenly in both time and spaceâ. This author reminds us that contemporary processes of globalization create new opportunities but also deepen inequality, with negative consequences such as increased social dysfunction and related unemployment and poverty, as well as ârisks that individuals, countries and entire regions may be excluded from the benefits enjoyed in other parts of the worldâ (Mehdi, 2004, p.12).
Moussa (2004) draws attention to the fact that accompanying the benefits of globalization (information and technological revolution, expanded work opportunities in fields such as communications and genetic engineering) are specific dangers and challenges for countries of the South. Alongside the âfree flow of capital, commodities and services, restrictions and security regulations imposed upon labour migration have actually increasedâ, this being âparticularly evident in industrialized countries, despite the fact that these very same countries have been keen to attract skilled professionalsâ (Moussa, 2004, p.7).
For countries of origin one negative consequence of migration in the mid-and long-term is the âbrain drainâ, the out-migration of skilled professionals. This represents a considerable outflow of human capital to more economically developed regions and countries. The opportunity to employ their experts nationally or regionally is lost once these individuals migrate. The costs of replacing these experts are borne by source countries (Moussa, 2004). More recently policymakers and other stakeholders have raised serious concerns over the substantial investment made by developing countries in educating and training citizens whose human capital is lost to emigration. Destination countries derive great advantage from the inflow of skilled immigrants. Since it is acknowledged that ârestricting the movement of highly skilled peop...