The literature of detection
In her 1937 essay âThe Literature of Detection,â composed for Oxford Universityâs student newspaper The Cherwell, Penelope [Knox] Fitzgerald, in the course of reviewing her uncle Father Ronald Knoxâs detective novel Double Cross-Purposes, sets out to define the detective story, beginning with the claim that â[i]f a picture is half-way between a thought and a thing, a detective story stands half-way between a book and a soulless aberrationâ (LD 188). It is not the most exalting point dâappui. Fitzgerald respects the form, yet if â[t]here is no idea of a modern novelâ (LD 188), for the reason that its practitionersâJames, Conrad, Hemingway, Barnes, Stein, Joyce, Lawrence, Proust, Woolf, etc.âmade definition a fraught undertaking, one can, she thinks, feel on safer ground when addressing oneself to the parameters of the detective novel:
The detective novel commands respect in thisâthat it has a certain standard, a classic conception by which it may measure itself. There is no idea of a modern novel; but the serious detective writer should be conscious of a definite pattern, three hundred pages long (almost exactly) and selling at seven and six; containing not less than one murder and not more than three, with some comic relief, some sentimental passages describing local scenery and either a police detective or an amateur with some credentials for his investigation. (LD 188)
Others requirements, writes Fitzgerald, include âfair play in presenting available clues, whether of character or circumstanceâ and a penchant for seeing fortunes reversed, entailing âan entire shifting of suspicion, a disruption of the conclusions already reached and a shedding of new lightâ (LD 188). Evidence for Fitzgeraldâs requirements could be found, she suggests, in the gamut of Golden Age detective authors, among whom she mentions Agatha Christie, Dorothy Sayers, Anthony Berkeley, Milward Kennedy, Henry Lancelot Aubrey-Fletcher, C. H. Kitchin, and Freeman Wills Crofts. There is also the obligatory bow in the direction of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, who showed the subsequent generation how the genre was to be done, and from whose height there can only have been a falling off: a ââboxedâ problem of the length of an average early Sherlock Holmes story allows just the right space for presentations and adornment of the facts, including a measure of false suspicion. Too much space has led modern detective writers into very devious waysâinto gloating over food and wine, raptures over moorland scenery, and morasses of unwanted comic reliefâ (LD 188).
The genre, thinks Fitzgerald, is both the beneficiary and victim of its conventions, conventions that when well-manipulated assume the spirit of a spritely game, and when not, plunge the narrative into clichĂ© and dullness. These conventions, albeit abbreviated, were essentially those enumerated by her uncle in âThe Ten Commandments of Detective Fiction,â a 1929 mock-religious instruction guide for those wishing to make their own contributions. The closed in nature of the genreâits provinciality (âNo Chinaman must figure in the storyâ); its haughtiness (âThe stupid friend of the detectiveâ); its two-plus-two equals four materialism (âAll supernatural or prenatural agencies are ruled out as a matter of courseâ)âmakes itself evident here (R. Knox, âIntroductionâ). It is, as Fitzgerald writes, a genre that, when successful, finds itself âresting, a golden mean, between two possibilities of excessâ (LD 188). And although the interwar period came to be known as the genreâs Golden Age, Fitzgerald, writing at its end, was not unmindful of the blight that had already begun to set in, to the point that she recognized the need of a defensive posture. Not surprisingly, the essayâs last note, while conceding a certain dullness in her uncleâs most recent effort, is elegiac: âThe literature of pursuit and arrest must retain its backbone; we are glad to see its decay, its Silver Age period, retardedâ (LD 188).
Of course, the subsequent war did not put to rest the genre; it continued, and still continues, to find practitioners keen to work out, to press forward, its variables beneath the rubric of what Fitzgerald again calls âa certain standard, a classic conception by which it may measure itselfâ (LD 188). But the Second World War did matter; it did rupture the provincial space, the little Englandism, in which the classic instances of the genre best thrived. In an insightful comment at the end of his 1944 essay âWhy Do People Read Detective Stories?,â Edmund Wilson, tracing the genreâs history from Poe through Dickens to its more recent past, wrote that the detective story had managed to keep âits hold; had even, in the two decades between the great wars, become more popular than ever beforeâ (661). There was, he said, âa deep reason for this,â connected to a larger cultural anxiety: âThe world during those years was ridden by an all-pervasive feeling of guilt and by a fear of impending disaster which it seemed hopeless to try to avert because it never seemed conclusively possible to pin down the responsibilityâ (âWhy Doâ 661). Yet pinning âdown the responsibilityâ was exactly what detective fiction did best:
Nobody seems guiltless, nobody seems safe; and then, suddenly, the murderer is spotted, and relief!âhe is not, after all, a person like you or me. He is a villainâknown to the trade as George Gruesomeâand he has been caught by an infallible Power, the supercilious and omniscient detective, who knows exactly where to fix the guilt. (âWhy Doâ 661)
For Wilson, the genreâs interwar success had to do with an enhanced anxiety regarding evilâs pervasiveness offset by the genreâs assurances that the evil was by its nature containable, the murderer could and would be revealed.1 With the return of war, this assuredness found itself noticeably undercut. The Blitz, Auschwitz, Treblinka, Stalingrad, Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Dresden, Hamburg, fifty plus million dead, with civilian outnumbering military casualties by approximately two to oneâall these and analogous horrors made the assumptions of the English detective story seem passĂ©. Or as Wilson, satirizing the genreâs upper-crust, village-vicar aspect, as evidenced in Dorothy Sayersâs The Nine Tailors, wrote in his follow-up essay, âWho Cares Who Killed Roger Ackroyd?â:
The first part of it is all about bellringing as it is practiced in English churches [âŠ]. I skipped a good deal of this, and found myself skipping, also, a large section of the conversations between conventional English village characters [âŠ]. There was also a dreadful stock English nobleman of the casual and debonair kind, with the embarrassing name of Lord Peter Wimsey, and [âŠ] I had to skip a good deal of him, too. (678)2
It is possible, I think, to hold on to oneâs affection for Lord Peter while also conceding the justice of Wilsonâs rebuke. It is akin to the rebuke that Fitzgerald herself delivers in âThe Literature of Detectionâ: âBut these excellent novels raise the question as to how dull a novel can be, and live?â (LD 188). The genre is entertaining, it seductively entices, and although it has its successful practitioners, it does not, in this way of thinking, exactly count as literature if by this we reference a standard exemplified by the likes of Woolf, Joyce, and Proust, novelists who have, writes Wilson, âorganized their books with an intensity which has been relatively rareâ among novelists and that would seem precluded from a genre that makes the fulfillment of expectation (a whole Decalogue) a desideratum (âWho Caresâ 681). As Wilson writes, âIt is not difficult to create suspense by making people await a revelation, but it does demand a certain talent to come through with a criminal device which is ingenious or picturesque or amusing enough to make the reader feel that the waiting has been worthwhileâ (âWhy Doâ 659). So it is that he judges even Sayers as working âin a field which is mostly on a sub-literary levelâ (âWho Caresâ 678â79).
The novelâs inception
I myself like Sayers, and think Wilsonâs judgment overly harsh. But the judgment helps us to understand Fitzgeraldâs ambivalence and defensiveness when speaking to her own contribution to detective fiction: her first novel The Golden Child (1977). The story about its composing is now, for Fitzgerald readers, almost familiar. When her husband Desmond was dying of cancer, Fitzgerald thought that she might divert him with something on the order of a thriller or mystery, it being her notion, as she told Caroline Moorehead, that this is what âmen most like reading: thrillers and historyâ (Moorehead interview). Of course, Desmond had already shown himself a gifted historian, with the 1949 publication of A History of the Irish Guards in the Second World War, a history of his own regiment that was thrown into major conflict, with significant casualties, in Northern Africa in 1943. But thrillers or mysteries were in his wifeâs genes, and Fitzgerald, inspired by the world traveling Treasures of Tutankhamun exhibition, chose to write one. Whether âit would [not] have been easier to go to the store and buy him [Desmond] some murder mysteriesâ is a thought put into our heads by the New Yorker critic Joan Acocella (85), but clearly the exhibition captured Fitzgeraldâs attention in a way that required something more. The 1972 exhibition, which took up a half-year residency in the British Museum, drew more than a million and a half visitors, most of whom were asked to wait long hours before being admitted inside. As John Russell Taylor has noted, the Tutankhamun exhibition proved a turning point for those international museums in a position to stage shows on a large scale. It âwas undeniably the first of the international blockbustersâ and was notable for the fact that it brought into the Museum a visitor whose motives for attending were less reflective of aesthetic or intellectual values than those associated with spectacle or things theatrical (J. R. Taylor).
Later mass-audience exhibitions would play up even more successfully the showmanship, an element the British Museum directors were, it has been said, at first hesitant to countenance but which they too would come around to seeing as part of their mandate (J. R. Taylor). But the fact is that Tutankhamun, since his 1922 unearthing by the English archaeologist Howard Carter (paralleled in the novel by Sir Williamâs own unearthings), began this way, as spectacle. Or as Ben MacIntyre, speaking to the journalistic roguery that went far toward creating the originating story, writes, âIt is a story of archaeologists working underground to unearth the most beautiful and sacred treasures, while above ground journalists slugged it out in an unholy media scrumâ (B. MacIntyre). This âmedia scrum[âs]â catalyst was a deal made between Lord Carnarvon, the expeditionâs financer, and the Times, giving the latter exclusive rights to the news and photographs emanating from the tomb. Not surprisingly, rival newspapers were less than pleased, and sent off to Luxor their own group of reporters to do everything they could to upstage the Timesâ efforts. They did so fairly successfully, with the result that compromised excavators, secret codes, imagined curses and out-of-hand expenses helped to create a circus-like atmosphere both in Egypt and at home. Lord Carnarvon, who defended himself against the charge of enrichment by saying that his overriding motive had been to secure his wifeâs privacy (disrupted by reportersâ middle-of-the-night calls), would comment about the outsized attention: âIt is a very curious thing how this discovery has excited the public, all the most unlikely people, from the King down to the policeman, taxi driver and common labourerâ (qtd. in B. MacIntyre). For his trouble, Lord Carnarvon became among the first to suffer the consequences of the Curse, the press-inspired legend that whoever should enter Tutankhamunâs tomb would meet with an early demise (Legend). Lord Carnarvon died less than two months after entering the tomb. And his departure was soon followed by the departures of Arthur Mace and Albert Lythgoe, both key players in the tombâs uncovering. As Sir Arthur Conan Doyle himself put the matter, there was âan evil elementalâ at play (qtd. in B. MacIntyre).3
Fitzgerald clearly knew the Valley of Kings story, for it informs her own, as when Sir William says to Hawthorne-Mannering, ââCarnarvon died at five minutes to two on the morning of the 5th of April 1923. I knew him well, poor fellow! The public enjoys the idea of a curse, thoughââ (GC 22). It made some sense, then, that Fitzgerald should find herself wondering whether there was not something too Barnum-like about the 1972 Tutankhamun show. Looking back, in 1986, she told Diana Hinds, âIt struck me that it wasnât genuineâthey kept lowering the lights. And so I thought if this came out, the director would have to commit suicide âŠâ (Hinds interview 34). And at the time of publication, she wrote to Richard Garnett, her editor for The Knox Brothers (1977), that
I did write this mystery story, largely to get rid of my annoyance: 1. about the Tutankhamen Exhib: as Iâm certain everything in it was a forgery, and: 2. about someone who struck me as particularly unpleasant when I was obliged to go to a lot of museums &c. to find out about [Edward] Burne-Jones [the subject of her first biography]. (L 240)
Who the âsomeoneâ is remains a mystery. This aside, the letter also remains interesting for the reason that, first, Fitzgerald is found expressing misgivings about the novel, misgivings that repeat themselves whenever she is called upon to speak to it:
I thought quite well of the book at first but itâs now almost unintelligible, it was probably an improvement that the last chapters got lost, but then 4 characters and 1000s of words had to be cut to save paper, then the artwork got lost (by the printer this time) so we had to use my roughs and it looks pretty bad, but there you have it, it doesnât matter, and no-one will notice. (L 241)
Second, in this same letter but in a different vein, Fitzgerald is found taking umbrage at the suggestion that she might be thought an âamateurâ: âIt worried me terribly when you [Garnett] told me I was only an amateur writer and I asked myself, how many books do you have to write and how many semi-colons do you have to discard before you lose amateur status?â (L 241) Garnett, it would appear, had been misled by Fitzgeraldâs fits of self-deprecation. He should not have been, however, for coinciding with such were expressions that made it clear that this was someone who wished, expected, and had every right to be taken seriously. So it is that in the letterâs closing paragraph, Fitzgeraldâher resentment coming out most forcefullyâwrites: âI shouldnât write such a long letter as I know that reading canât be a recreation for you, but it was so nice to have a letter that didnât enclose a bread recipe, particularly as bread-making is one of the things I can do and be sure itâll turn out right, unlike my attempts to get good noticesâ (L 241).
Garnett, who had been told, in a previous exchange, that Fitzgerald was caught up in âexplain[ing] the difference between irony and satire to my VI form,â might have shown himself more sensitive to the registers of Fitzgeraldâs tone (L 236). Still, as Hilary Spurling has argued, Fitzgeraldâs correspondence carried with it certain Pooterish dissemblings: âPenelope Fitzgerald read The Diary of a Nobody by the Grossmith Brothers more than 20 times before she published anything herself, and her letters are clearly modeled on their deadpan techniqueâ (21). Spurling and Fitzgeraldâs careers crossed at a crucial, life-changing moment for the latter, for Spurling was not only a member of the Booker Prize committee that awarded the 1979 prize for best novel to Fitzgeraldâs Offshore, but she was, she says, instrumental in shifting the committeeâs support away from William Goldingâs Darkness Visible:
Weâd spent the entire afternoon at loggerheads, settling at the last minute by a single vote for William Goldingâs Darkness Visible, by which time the atmosphere had grown so heated that I said Iâd sooner resign than have any part in a panel that picked a minor Golding over a major imaginative breakthrough [A Bend in the River] by Naipaul. So we compromised by giving the prize to everybodyâs second choice, the small, slight, melancholy but beautifully judged and executed Offshore.
(Spurling 21)
A Bend in the River is, as Spurling speaks of it, a magnificent novel, though the misogynistic violence that Salim, the novelâs protagonist, participates in has become, through biography, more and more linked with Naipaul himself,4 to the point that had the committee gone with Spurlingâs first choice, it might now seem a matter for reappraisal. In this sense, the âmelancholy but beautifully judged and executed Offshoreâ proved a wiser and more sustainable selection. Spurlingâs regrets perhaps color her representation of Fitzgeraldâs genius for âsnatch[ing] humiliation from successâ (21). And yet, though Spurling speaks with a certain jealous spite, she is on to something when she observes that, in the incident of the Booker Prize, and the discordant publicity that surrounded it, Fitzgerald displayed an ability to turn tables several times: âThe one thing that is quite clear from these collected letters is that in fact she was herself manipulating the situation, not the other way aroundâ (21). Like A. S. Byatt, who told the New York Timesâs Arthur Lubow, before his interview with Fitzgerald, that â[s]heâs prepared to play the scatty old lady [âŠ]. But thereâs a steely intelligence under that gentle scattinessâ (qtd. in Lubow), Spurling sees in Fitzgerald someone who was expert at creating a self-protective persona designed, paradoxically, both to deflect attention (i.e., hostile attention) and to garner it. A...