1 MarĂa Zambranoâs Enduring Drama
Remembering the Spanish Civil War
Shirley Mangini
MarĂa Zambrano, an exceptional Spanish philosopher of the twentieth century, was a philosopher of the poetic; that is to say, her use of the word was intensely lyrical, and fraught with the ambiguous and polysemical nature of poetry. Enrique de Rivas describes Zambranoâs innate poetic self: â[P]odrĂan imaginar que su modo de expresarse simbĂłlica y metafĂłricamente era producto de una voluntad profesional, de un ejercicio intencional del filosofar. Pero tengo para mĂ que era todo lo contrario; era el resultado de una manera de estar en las cosas, que no era filosofar, sino poetizarâ (n.p.) [You could imagine that her way of expressing herself symbolically and metaphorically was a product of a professional choice, of an intentional exercise of philosophizing. But I believe it was exactly the opposite; her style was the result of a way of being in things that was not philosophizing, but rather poeticizing].1 In addition and not surprisingly, Zambranoâs practice of the then nascent art of literary criticism reveals her profound sensibility to the power of literature as philosophical treatise.2 Her ability to demonstrate Spainâs idiosyncrasies through weaving archetypical literary figures and tropes into intrahistorical interpretations is one of her greatest talents.3
But as Zambrano would also explain, writing was not just poetic, and literature was not just a vehicle for arriving at the quintessence of philosophy. Philosophy was also a means to remember, to be consequential, so that history does not cease to exist or is not distorted. MarĂa Zambrano embodied philosophy in this sense. She considered herself as part of what she called the âGeneration of the Bullâ; she identified with, above all, the intellectuals who suffered through the Civil War, who experienced death or exile as a result of it, and who, I would add, remembered through writing. She explains in a 1937 article, âA los poetas chilenos de âMadre Españaââ [To the Chilean poets from âMother Spainâ], written while in Chile to commemorate the solidarity of writers there with the Republican cause: âYes con la poesĂa y con la palabra, es con la razĂłn creadora y con la inteligencia activa en conjunciĂłn con esa sangre que corre a torrentes, como hay que forjar este Renacimiento del pueblo español que traerĂĄ un mundo nuevo para todos los pueblosâ (96) [And it is with poetry and with the word, with creative reason and with active intelligence in conjunction with that blood that runs in torrents, that we can forge this Renaissance of the Spanish people that will bring a new world to all nations].4
For Zambrano, just as the intellect and its artistic products were weapons to change the world, they were also the tools with which to console Spainâs people. And the intellectuals were responsible for saving Spain, a principle that she elucidates in her war disquisitions written between 1936 and 1939 and included in Los intelectuales en el drama de España. Ensayos y notas (1936â1939) [The Intellectuals in Spainâs Drama. Essays and Notes] (LIDE). She felt that poetry was the best medium to express the tragedies of war. Her essays on Antonio Machado and Pablo Neruda5 included in the volume are testimonies to this conviction, as are her close friendships with many of Spainâs and Latin Americaâs poets throughout her life, all experiences that would inspire her in the development of her philosophy, which she would call la razĂłn poĂ©tica [poetic reason]. For instance, Zambranoâs evolving theory of poetic reason is visible in her essay âPablo Neruda o el amor a la materiaâ [Pablo Neruda or the love of matter] where she speaks of Nerudaâs prolificity as a poet: â[P]odrĂa vivir el descanso si el ser poeta no consistiera precisamente en no poder descansar de serloâcomo el filĂłsofo tambiĂ©nâ (LIDE 160) [he would be justified as a poet; he could live in peace, if being a poet did not consist precisely of being unable to rest from being [a poet]âjust like the philosopher]. Philosophy, like poetry, was a way of life according to Zambrano, and she manifested this symbiosis throughout her life.
LIDE underwent diverse editions and iterations. There are four editions of the essays. The first was published in Santiago de Chile in 1937 by Editorial Panorama and includes Parts I and II. The second edition, published forty years later by Editorial Hispamerca,6 includes a prologue written by the author in 1977 and Parts I and II, in addition to many articles Zambrano published during the War (between 1937 and 1939), mostly in the journal Hora de España.7 The third edition, entitled Senderos [Paths], was published in 1986 by Anthropos; it includes all the articles from the second edition and her essay or drama, La tumba de AntĂgona [The tomb of Antigone] (1967), with a short prologue by Zambrano, written in 1985, placed before the 1977 prologue. The latest version of LIDE came out in 1998, published by Editorial Trotta, entitled Los intelectuales en el drama de España y escritos de la guerra civil [LIDE and writings on the Civil War], with a prologue and a political chronology of Zambranoâs life between 1928 and 1939 by JesĂșs Moreno Sanz. This edition includes a number of articles not found in the Hispamerca edition, mostly from just before and after the War. This essay will concentrate on the Hispamerca edition, given its significance as a unique series of essays recovered after the end of the Franco regime. Although I will briefly take into consideration Zambranoâs 1977 preface in light of the incipient democracy in Spain and her reaction to it, this essay will concentrate on her work during the War years, not on the evolution of her post-bellum thinking.8
MarĂa Zambrano never considered herself a feminist, nor did she join any womenâs groups in Madrid. From a very early age, she seemed to see herself as an ageless metaphysical being, disinterested in gender. She started out as a rationalistâthanks to her father, the Krausist Blas Zambrano and her early mentor, JosĂ© Ortega y Gasset.9 Yet she became conflicted about strictly rational thought as she matured as a person and as a philosopher and developed her theory of poetic reason. She hoped to rise above the double standard imposed on the women of her times. She attempted to transcend all the ordinary clichĂ©s and concepts about life, especially the concept of men and women living in constant conflict. She nearly always spoke of the person or the being. As Santiago Bolaños sees it, Zambrano was a âvery uncommon woman,â who while living in a provincial town like Segovia (between 1909 and 1924) nevertheless held âEuropean (modern and avant-garde)â ideas about life.10 Santiago Bolaños also comments on the fact that the 1928 column Zambrano published in the Madrid daily El Liberal called âMujeresâ [Women] reveals that she envisioned the ideal couple as equals (Zambrano, Cartas inĂ©ditas 37â38).11 For instance, in one essay that describes the civic duties of young Spaniards, Zambrano remarks that âtodosâhombres y mujeresâestamos obligados a hacer polĂticaâ (La aventura de ser mujer [The adventure of being a woman] 82) [all of usâmen and womenâare obliged to work in politics].
In the âMujeresâ articles, Zambrano demands that women take their rightful place in history, instead of living under patriarchal rules (Ortega 89). Womenâincluding young and working-class womenâmust not be enslaved by men and must all be given dignity as political actors (Ortega 103). In her last column in November 1928, Zambrano exhorts women not to hide behind customs that have been created to keep them on the straight and narrow; rather, they should go out into the city and observe the world to build up their spirits (Ortega 107). Just as Zambrano herself took to the streets in the late 1920s and during the Republic, having experiences that helped mold her into an exceptionally modern and accomplished woman, she wished to inspire other women to do the same. The country was ripe for women to become visible and transcend the mediocrity in which they had been kept. The philosopher was observing this phenomenon in her own political activity, her teaching at the Instituto Escuela [School Institute], and her contacts with other women who had come to the forefront in the fields of education, law, literature, and art.12
Thus Zambrano became one of the salient female protagonists of the seething political scenario in Madrid at the end of the 1920s. She had already begun her political activity in 1928 in the FederaciĂłn Universitaria Estudiantil [Spanish University Student Federation], and then in the Liga de EducaciĂłn Social [League of Social Education].13 In 1930 Zambrano witnessed the demise of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. The following year, the Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed. Zambrano witnessed the coming of the Republic in Madridâs historic centerâLa Puerta del Solâas King Alphonse XIII fled the country, and dictator Miguel Primo de Riveraâs replacement, DĂĄmaso Berenguer, resigned. That same year she published her first political and philosophical treatise, Horizonte del liberalismo [Horizon of liberalism], in which she speaks of politics as âla actividad humana mĂĄs intensaâ [the most intensely human activity], signaling her desire to live a life of political commitment to liberal, revolutionary ideals. In addition to teaching Metaphysics at the Universidad Central [Central University], Zambrano began traveling around the country to participate in Republican/Socialist rallies. She was even approached to run for congress, an offer she refused so that she could pursue her work in philosophy.
Zambrano continued her impassioned political and intellectual life as she witnessed the growing rift between the center-left coalitions and those of the right. She began attending literary gatherings at cafĂ©s, publishing in progressive journals, and making contact with other writers and artists. In 1933 she joined Las Misiones PedagĂłgicas [The Pedagogical Missions], a Republican-inspired organization founded to educate Spaniards and to enrich the cultural life of the working class in towns around Spain. By 1934, she began diverging from Ortega y Gassetâs teachings and creating her own philosophical thought, which would become grounded in her writing on the Civil War. In 1935, she became one of the first women to hold a weekly salon at her home for other intellectualsâmen and women of like ideas. Her immersion in the study of the literary classics would be one of the elements that would lead her to create her philosophy of poetic reason. Well aware of what was to come, Zambrano and her group of friends established La Alianza de Intelectuales Anti-Fascistas [Alliance of Antifascist Intellectuals] in April 1936, and when the War began, the group organized cultural activities in Madrid and also in hospitals and at the fronts where they could reach the combatants.
By summer 1936, the violence had escalated into a full Civil War. Shortly thereafter, MarĂa traveled to Chileâvia the PanamĂĄ Canal with a stop in Havanaâand began writing what would become the first articles of LIDE, Parts I and II.14 According to JesĂșs Moreno Sanz, the salient characteristics of this âfirst momentâ of Zambranoâs war writing are the anguish of coming to terms with the Civil War and the urgency of trying to understand how that war had come about (Zambrano, LIDE y escritos 27). In addition, she writes with a restlessness that reveals her discomfort at having âabandonedâ her country at the onset of the War.
In the shortest essay of âPart I,â entitled âLa inteligencia y la revoluciĂłnâ [The intelligentsia and the revolution], the author sets the stage for describing the role of the intellectual as warrior: âSi otros ofrecen su vida sobre la tierra helada de las trincheras, no harĂĄ nada de mĂĄs el intelectual arriesgando su existencia de intelectual, aventurando su razĂłn en este alumbramiento del mundo, que se abre camino a travĂ©s de la sangreâ (LIDE 24) [If others offer their lives on the frozen earth of the trenches, the intellectual cannot do anything but risk her or his existence as an intellectual, venturing his or her reason in this birth of the world, where a pathway is opened up through blood]. Juan Fernando Ortega Muñoz quotes Zambrano at the beginning of Part I: âIntentemos de nuevo encontrar la razĂłn del mundo, no de las cosas, sino de los sucesos. Aventurarse en el laberinto terrible de los sucesosâ (LIDE 24) [Let us again attempt to find the reason of the world, not of things, but of events. (Let us) venture into the terrible labyrinth of events]. Ortega Muñoz proposes that here Zambrano attempts to enter into the intrahistory of Spain through a âmetaphysical analysisâ that parallels a âmetahistorical analysisâ (130â31). In her second and longer section, âLa Inteligencia y el Fascismoâ [The intelligentsia and fascism], Zambrano outlines the history of Western rationalism in order to point out that in spite of our idealistic espousal of reason, humankind has thwarted its advancement because of its propensity for rationalityâs antitheses: passion, subterfuge, infantilism, and rebellion. Hers is not a rigorous study of fascism; it is, rather, an artistic and sociological appraisal akin to the ruminations of a cultural historian, albeit an emotionally involved historian. She writes about how fascism developed out of disillusionment, which is âdesesperaciĂłn impotente de hallar salida a una situaciĂłn insostenibleâ (LIDE 30) [impotent desperation to find a solution to an unsustainable situation], that isâunderneath its fictitious spiritualityâinherently violent. For Zambrano, Spainâs only hope in the face of this counterfeit movement is communist revolution. And this is what the philosopher had briefly observed as she left Spain for Chile at the onset of the War: that the âfascismo mistificadorâ (LIDE 34) [fascist mystification] of medieval heroism espoused by the Rightâthe âHolyâ Crusades15âquickly âfaded,â while resolute militias recruited from leftist organizations of diverse, although largely Marxist-inspired affiliations, gained strength.
In the third section of Part I, entitled âEl fascismo y el intelectual en Españaâ [Fascism and the intellectual in Spain] the philosopher explains that Spainâs exceptionalism has caused it to become prey to the violent movement. According to Zambrano, Spain did not possess Europeâs greedy bourgeoisie or a capitalist society that could cause envy among the working class. Rather, the country was gripped by nostalgia for the past glories of colonization, and the desperation and the impotence of the military whose hunger for land and power led them to the bloody wars against ...