Cultural Heritage in the Arabian Peninsula

Debates, Discourses and Practices

Karen Exell, Trinidad Rico

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781317156482
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Art
• Subtopic: Museum Studies

Heritage projects in the Arabian Peninsula are developing rapidly. Museums and heritage sites are symbols of shifting national identities, and a way of placing the Arabian Peninsula states on the international map. Global, i.e. Western, heritage standards and practices have been utilised for the rapid injection of heritage expertise in museum development and site management and for international recognition. The use of Western heritage models in the Arabian Peninsula inspires two key areas for research which this book examines: the obscuring of indigenous concepts and practices of heritage and expressions of cultural identity; and the tensions between local/community concepts of heritage and identity and the new national identities being constructed through museums and heritage sites at a state level.

Part I Shifting Perspectives

DOI: 10.4324/9781315575285-2

Chapter 1 Islamophobia and the Location of Heritage Debates in the Arabian Peninsula

Trinidad Rico

DOI: 10.4324/9781315575285-3

Introduction

In 2005, the real estate developments planned in and around the holy city of Mecca caused a stir in heritage debates across the world. A critique published in The Independent newspaper in the UK on 6 August 2005 proposed that the destruction of the historic fabric of the city related to ‘the same oil-rich orthodoxy that pumped money into the Taliban as they prepared to detonate the Bamiyan buddhas in 2000’ (Howden 2005). This statement summoned two prejudices that are circulated with regards to cultural developments in this part of the world: an unscrupulous investment of oil revenue – a resource extraction associated with anti-environmentalism and, therefore, immoral (see Simpson, this volume); and the destruction of what can be considered to be historic or archaeological heritage, as the antithesis of the heritage preservation orthodoxy. Destruction is presented in this case as associated not only with Islamic fundamentalist ideals, but also with a transnational coherent set of destructive practices informed by these ideals, conflating the significant erasure of the Bamiyan Buddha statues in Afghanistan with an ongoing reconfiguration of the holy city of Mecca in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This rhetoric suggests that factors affecting the materiality of a region dominated by Islamic beliefs are understood as predominantly destructive.

The reported destruction of heritage in this region, as in other regions of the world, can be seen as a process that has been featured frequently and prominently throughout modern history, but as it reaches the birthplace of the Prophet Mohammed it is further scrutinised as a legitimate policy by locals, but also foreigners and non-believers who question the destruction of ‘one’s own heritage’ – something difficult to reconcile for firm supporters of the existence of universal value (Meskell 2002, 558). The destruction of the giant Buddha statues at Bamiyan in February of 2001 is often used as a point of reference that exemplifies this clash of values, broadly defined by a distinction between Western and non-Western valorisations of historic landscapes (although for reasons I describe below, a more suitable label for many of these cases would be to call this position anti-Western). As Taliban leader Mullah Omar issued an edict ordering the destruction of all statues and non-Islamic shrines in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (Matsuura 2005, 14; Cuno 2011, 106–7), targeting not only the Buddha monuments but also a number of statues throughout their territory, heritage organisations worldwide mobilised in their efforts to prevent their destruction (Manhart 2001; Matsuura 2001, 12–13). As evidence of their failure, the concave silhouettes of giant Buddha depictions have since become iconic, a call to arms of sorts for the global heritage preservation mission.

A comparison of this high-profile event to the developments taking place in Mecca is, of course, an oversimplification. The changes proposed to the holy city of Mecca are justified officially with a need to increase its carrying capacity in its role as the most visited pilgrimage site in the world. An expansion to its infrastructure is then aimed at safely hosting the growing number of pilgrims during hajj and umra each year. There are, of course, other economic considerations, including accusations in the aforementioned article that present these projects as driven purely by capitalist interests, forces that delegitimise projected changes in the eyes of heritage preservationists, but these will not be elaborated in this chapter. More significant to the core of this debate is the role that these case studies play in a growing perception that Islam praises the destruction of historic buildings due to a rejection of all forms of idolatry. In the case of Saudi Arabia, the alignment of the modern state to Wahhabism, an ultra-conservative form of Islam, since the eighteenth century would justify a repudiation of the veneration of heritage places, even sites associated with early Islamic history. But, as has been stressed particularly since the Bamiyan scandal, this position should not be extended to the entirety of the Islamic world.

Unfortunately, these case studies do not stand alone in perpetuating a misinformed bias. It is noticeable that in the past few years, conflict at the small and large scale in Bahrain, Egypt, Lebanon, Sudan, Syria, Libya, Iraq and Mali conveniently proposed a common denominator for the fate of cultural heritage within the Islamic world, as the destruction of heritage resources here has at one point or another made international headlines. This tendency is reflected to some extent in the literature on heritage of the greater Middle Eastern region where the theme of conflict is well represented (Boytner, Swartz Dodd and Parker 2010), many would argue disproportionately, considering the variety of sub-regions and histories encompassed in this territory (Exell and Rico 2013). Therefore, this chapter considers a bias in debates addressing the cultural heritage of the Islamic world that focuses heavily on the question of destruction as common practice, considering the effect of ‘Islamophobia’ on the location of regional heritage debates, as an attitude that informs and constructs specific interpretations of heritage construction, management and value. I argue throughout that these negative preconceptions may obscure other processes of heritage construction and destruction that go beyond such frameworks. In particular, this chapter considers the contemporary construction and negotiation of heritage in the Arabian Peninsula, a complex ongoing process that is preemptively identified as guided by destructive understandings of heritage.

The effects of a negative perception of Islamic interests in heritage preservation are discussed in this chapter exclusively from the perspective of heritage developments and debates. The articulation of these arguments in the context of an ‘Islamic world’ uses this vaguely defined region apologetically, considering that ‘Islamic’ as a category is unstable, subject to iterations, historic and/or strategic recombination (Insoll 2007; MacLean and Insoll, this volume), and a whole array of variability in its manifestations.

Under the Shadow of Bamiyan

On the 20 January 2012, the front page of the Qatar Tribune featured a photograph captioned ‘Emir with UNESCO envoy’, the Father Emir His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani with the outgoing UNESCO Representative in the Arab States of the Gulf and Yemen, Dr. Jamad bin Saif al Hammami, in Doha. Only a few days later, the same newspaper announced on 25 January, ‘Taliban strike deal to open office in Qatar’, with the aim of advancing peace talks internationally. Seeing these two partnerships forged in the same political arena highlighted the complexity of the international heritage grounds in which the Arabian Peninsula is making a strong entrance. With the unresolved question of the Buddha statues of Bamiyan still firmly at the centre of debates on heritage ethics, conceptualising the Taliban and UNESCO as neighbouring organisations reminds us of an unfortunate reality: discussions of cultural heritage in the broadly defined Middle East region have been intimately associated with a history of conflict and destruction. This association, of course, does not deter from the Qatari commitment to join international efforts in the conservation of world heritage sites.

The laying out of a relationship that could be seen as representing ‘good vs. evil’, in as much as the heritage world is concerned, may not be confined to the modern regions of the Arab World or relate to post-9/11 dynamics, which saw iconoclastic forces deployed against the USA by the Islamist forces of Al Qaeda. A historical perspective looking back at different outcries in the history of heritage could also identify the Islamic world as a hotspot for destructive practices for a variety of reasons. For example, the destruction of nine small stupas with explosives on the upper terraces of the Indonesian site of Borobudur¹ in 1985 was attributed to a series of terrorist attacks with links to underground Islamic opposition groups (Zurbuchen 1990, 142), a relatively unknown incident, but nonetheless the type of violence against heritage that is assured to make headlines today. More recently, a series of first-hand reports causing outrage in the heritage circles were circulated during 2012, giving the appearance that this type of event is becoming more frequent and more visible. In February, it was reported that a mob stormed the National Museum of the Maldives, destroying Buddhist statues, in an act of deliberate destruction that targeted Buddhist relics and ruins of monasteries exhibited in the pre-Islamic collection. In October, archaeologist Swadhin Sen reported to the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) online forums the damage, through burning and looting, of Buddhist shrines and monasteries in Ramu, Ukhiya and Teknaf in Chittagong, Bangladesh. In this instance, it was estimated that 12 shrines and seven monasteries belonging to the Rakhaine group and Barua communities were destroyed. The year 2013 later featured an equally shocking array of heritage news, as the aftermath of the Arab Spring persisted across the Middle East. It could be seen as inevitable, then, that a common thread is weaved through otherwise disparate moments and contexts, constructing an association of the cultures involved in these events and their predominant religious practices as ones that promote or enable targeted forms of destruction.

1 Later inscribed to the World Heritage List in 1991.

However, it is important to highlight the fact that Islamic heritage has also been a victim of similar destruction, often discussed in the literature through debates on archaeological ethics and heritage rights. Notably, in 1992, the mosque of Babri Masjid was demolished in Ayodhya, India, by Hindu fundamentalist supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad, claiming that the mosque stood on the foundations of a Hindu temple (see Bernbeck and Pollock 1996). Another incident saw the famous sixteenth-century Ottoman bridge Stari Most in Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, destroyed in 1993 during the Croat-Bosniak War. Although it was rebuilt by 2004, it has been argued that its destruction stands as an example of a deliberate destruction of cultural icons (Coward 2009). On the other hand, it is also significant to point out that the Islamic world has demonstrated a vested interest in cultural and heritage preservation in a variety of ways. While new organisations originating within the Islamic world have been created, existing organisations have incorporated the specific task of guarding over cultural heritage concerns, although perhaps these efforts are less frequently discussed in the literature. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation,² the second largest inter-governmental organisation after the United Nations, operates a subsidiary, the Research Center for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA),³ to undertake studies and research on various aspects of Islamic civilisation, including the publication, documentation, restoration and conservation of the arts and cultures of the Muslim world, as described on their official website. In the period 2006–2008, IRCICA announced on their website the Prince Faisal bin Fahd Award for the Preservation of Islamic Cultural Heritage⁴ to ‘support the revival of Islamic heritage’, promoting the preservation of monuments as ways to enhance their vital historical or contemporary functions. A more visible and long-lasting initiative has been the Aga Khan Award for Architecture, which focuses on the setting of excellence in architecture, planning practices, historic preservation and landscape architecture, addressing the needs of societies across the world in which Muslims have a significant presence – as can be appreciated on their website, publications and legacy across the region.

2 Formerly known as Organization of the Islamic Conference. 3 Formerly the International Commission for the Preservation of Islamic Cultural Heritage, merged and integrated with IRCICA in 2000. 4 Although later called Awards for Patronage in the Preservation of Cultural Heritage and Promotion of Scholarship, see http://ircica.org/2000/irc487.aspx.

Furthermore, it should be argued that Islamic interests have also been shielded and supported by Western-led heritage organisations that include Islamic values within their mission to preserve human experiences and expressions in all their diversity. Islamic heritage is featured in the UNESCO World Heritage List, both in the modern Islamic world and beyond (although the exact number and nature of sites would be hard to ascertain, an agreement between UNESCO and IRCICA would suggest that an inventory is in process⁵). Although this list has been noted to over-represent Christian, Western and monumental heritage over other types (Labadi 2005; 2007), a superficial overview of the database of World Heritage Sites does not suggest that this type of site is at risk due to mismanagement or destruction more than other types of heritage. More detailed studies would be needed to claim any relationship between the Islamic world as a steward of heritage and the contents of the UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger. It should be mentioned, however, that the fate of the Arabian Oryx Sanctuary in Oman has contributed to the perception under discussion, and raised the question of whether the UNESCO World Heritage List model is able to be embraced effectively in the region. Inscribed to the World Heritage List in 1994, the sanctuary was later reduced by 90 per cent in order to proceed with hydrocarbon prospection, finally causing its removal at the request of the State Party in 2007.

5 World Heritage Centre and Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture sign Cooperation Agreement. 13 June 2009. http://whc.unesco.org/en/news/516.

But it was through the popular and visible Western-led network of heritage experts and a heritage-savvy public that claims for a better understanding of Islamic attitudes to heritage value were expressed following the destruction of the Islamic heritage of Mali during the second half of 2012, a destruction process that is ongoing at the time of writing. Threats to the heritage of Timbuktu escalated as initial reports were made during June and July of 2012 that the mausoleum and other ancient tombs were under attack by militants from the Ansar Dine group, associated with Al Qaeda, whose leader was reported to say ‘All of this is haram. We are all Muslims. UNESCO is what?’ (Al Jazeera 2012). Meanwhile, the UNESCO Director-General and the President of neighbouring Mauritania Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz called for a protection of cultural heritage in Mali, considering the problematic use of Islam as a rationale to commit destruction, and stressing that i...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Half Title Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of Figures
• Acknowledgements
• Notes on Editors and Contributors
• Introduction: (De)constructing Arabian Heritage Debates
• Part I: Shifting Perspectives
• Part II: Museums, Museumification, Collecting
• Part III: Archaeological, Architectural and Urban Concerns