In the Shadow of the Swastika

The Relationships Between Indian Radical Nationalism, Italian Fascism and Nazism

Marzia Casolari

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2020
• ISBN:
  9781000079074
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Histoire
• Subtopic: Histoire du monde

This book examines and establishes connections between Italian Fascism and Hindu nationalism, connections which developed within the frame of Italy's anti-British foreign policy.

The most remarkable contacts with the Indian political milieu were established via Bengali nationalist circles. Diplomats and intellectuals played an important role in establishing and cultivating those tie-ups. Tagore's visit to Italy in 1925 and the much more relevant liaison between Subhas Chandra Bose and the INA were results of the Italian propaganda and activities in India.

But the most meaningful part of this book is constituted by the connections and influences it establishes between Fascism as an ideology and a political system and Marathi Hindu nationalism. While examining fascist political literature and Mussolini's figure and role, Marathi nationalists were deeply impressed and influenced by the political ideology itself, the duce and fascist organisations. These impressions moulded the RSS, a right-wing, Hindu nationalist organisation, and Hindutva ideology, with repercussions on present Indian politics. This is the most original and revealing part of the book, entirely based on unpublished sources, and will prove foundational for scholars of modern Indian history.

1 Italian Fascism and Indian radical nationalism

The early phase

1 Early contacts between the fascist regime and Indian intellectuals: Tagore’s journeys to Italy

Relations between fascist Italy and Indian nationalism date back to 1925–26. At that time an exchange of visits took place between Carlo Formichi (1871–1943), the most illustrious Indian scholar in Italy of the period, his disciple, Giuseppe Tucci (1894–1984)¹ and the Bengali poet, Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941). Tagore’s visits to Italy had received remarkable attention from Italian scholars, who wrote several articles and a volume on the subject.² However, the political capital the fascist regime hoped to make out of Tagore’s visits to Italy is a topic which has been somewhat neglected. The question is of some interest in that it sheds light on the hopes the fascist government had pinned on cultural relations between Italian intellectuals, the University of Shantiniketan and Bengali political circles.

Before dealing with Tagore in Italy and Formichi and Tucci in India, it is necessary to briefly examine the main events leading up to this exchange. Contacts between Formichi and Tagore had started up in summer 1921. Acting as an intermediary was Kalidas Nag (1892–1966), at the time a young academic and very close to Tagore. Subsequently, Nag became one of the main supporters of the Italian political activities in India.³ In the early 1920s, Nag was on the first of his two trips to Europe, where he resided from 1920 to 1923. Tagore visited Italy in 1925, stopping off in Milan, on his way back to India after a trip to South America. Mussolini wished to invite him personally to Rome. However, for health reasons travelling had become tiring and Tagore did not wish to prolong his stay. It cannot be ruled out that the advice of Tagore’s anti-fascist friends had a part in this decision.⁴ Tagore received an invitation to lecture at the Circolo filologico (Philological Circle), and on 22nd January, among other subjects he spoke about Italy as he had seen it when he was seventeen years old, on his first trip to Europe, and about Italy in 1925. In his speech, Tagore expressed some opinions that, later on would have been used against him by the fascist regime:

You are now suffering. The shadow of the poverty of Europe projects itself onto the world. You were great when you knew how to love. Now you suffer because you do not love. Without love, beautiful things cannot be created. The monotonous mask of a commercial civilisation does not express the soul. Beauty is born out of patience; and the greedy have none. Where, today, is a voice to be found which can interpret all humanity?⁵

Since Tagore had been so cordially welcomed to Italy on this occasion, statements such as these were not dwelt upon. Although this was a purely personal visit, Tagore took this opportunity to invite Formichi to India to lecture at the Vishvabharati University of Shantiniketan. Formichi was to stay in Shantiniketan from November 1925 to March 1926. Shortly before leaving for India, Formichi asked Mussolini if he might bring along “some Italian academics who would be able to organise an introductory course in Italian culture”.⁶ The Vishvabharati University should provide living and travelling expenses for Formichi and the Italian government foot the bill for the young scholar who was to accompany him.⁷ The choice soon fell on

an example of the new trend in Indian studies in Italy, Dr. Giuseppe Tucci, [. . .] assistant librarian at the Chamber of Deputies and a teacher of Indian Religions at the University of Rome, with a profound knowledge of oriental languages, versatile mind – all in all an honourable representative of Italian learning.⁸

Tagore’s visit to Italy occasioned rumours that he might be an opponent of Fascism. In January 1925, Formichi rushed to Tagore’s ‘defence’.

He was, and is, unaware of the fact that someone wanted to paint him in anti-fascist colours. I was with Tagore from the time of his arrival at the port of Genoa until his departure from Venice. I can safely say that Tagore has nothing to do with political propaganda and would be deeply offended, indeed shocked, to learn that he might be suspected of encroaching upon the political life of the country of which he was a guest.⁹

Formichi was pleased to learn that the misunderstandings which had arisen as a result of Tagore’s remarks of 22nd and 24th January in Milan had been cleared up, after a number of interviews in which Tagore expressed favourable opinions of Italy and Fascism. Formichi, by way of justification, added that he knew

that, as soon as he is up to the journey, Tagore wishes once more to breathe the healthful air of Italy. It is inadmissible, and does less than justice to our sense of hospitality, to place Tagore under suspicion in this way. Tagore is great man and his conduct unimpeachable. He sincerely loves our country and wishes only to see Italy fulfil its ambitions.¹⁰

Formichi reached Bombay on 19th November and Tucci on 2nd December 1925, and both went immediately to Calcutta.¹¹

From the records, we learn that the most active supporter of this campaign was “Commendatore” Ciro Trabalza, the Director General of Italian Schools.¹² When these preliminary contacts were being established between Italian and Indian intellectuals, Mussolini seems to have done little more than approve Formichi’s and Tucci’s proposals. However, both Formichi and Tagore were later to call upon Mussolini’s services.¹³ On 9th December, Formichi sent Trabalza a lengthy account of the first days of his stay in Shantiniketan, in which he explicitly referred to the propaganda aims of his stay in India. Formichi told Trabalza that Tagore would be back in Italy the following spring,¹⁴ and added that Allahabad and

other Indian Universities are asking me to visit and lecture. It is my intention to travel everywhere in my efforts to promote the cause of Italy. I assure you [. . .] that our work, in terms of propaganda value, is of inestimable value. It is my earnest desire that His Excellency, Mussolini, know that I consider myself a standard bearer, entrusted with the sacred Tricolour of our nation, a task which redoubles my strength and determination.¹⁵

On 7th December Tucci, too, wrote to Trabalza from Shantiniketan, thanking for his support, and described developments at the Vishvabharati University, as well as his new teaching duties. Tucci added that he was already active on the propaganda front:

Apart from a few conferences and lectures, which I will held here on the history of Italian literature, as well as a number of articles on Italy which I am working on, I hope to talk in other cities in India, if the occasion arises. I wish to prove worthy of my mission and of those who sent me here. I also wish to exalt Italy in the eyes of the citizens of India who are seeking out new approaches to the West.¹⁶

Tucci’s articles were published in the Vishvabharati Quarterly and the Modern Review.¹⁷ At that time, Tucci laid down the foundations of later collaboration between the Italian General Consulate in Calcutta, the editorial board of the Modern Review, and the circle of intellectuals, journalists and activists to whom the journal was addressed. Tucci was fully aware of his role since, as he himself put it,

I have been eager, too, to maintain contacts with the leading intellectual circles and cultivate relationships based on friendship or at least be on nodding terms with persons who in one way or another represent the most influential currents of thought here. It goes without saying that should we wish to forge stronger links with India in the future, it will be that much easier if we can already count on ties with individuals and groups.¹⁸

The Italian authorities agreed that in his next visit to Italy, Tagore should be an official guest.¹⁹ However, Tucci and Formichi were also in for a reminder:

[. . .] of course, having been delegated such authority, it is I who will have the last word (hardly necessary as far as the Consul and yourself are concerned, whose capabilities, circumspection and dedication to our cause are irreproachable) as to our conduct in India and with regard to the opinion of the British. Our task is to propagate our language, culture and learning and promote Italy in the countries which provide us with hospitality. How this is perceived is entirely the affair of our hosts. For our part we shall work in favour of deeper cultural ties with India, but shall distance ourselves from any comments made in our favour – including those of a political nature on the part of active groups in what is, after all, a foreign country.²⁰

Formichi left India on 10th March 1926. The differences between how Tagore perceived relations with Italy and the perceptions and desires of the fascist regime come to light in the account of Formichi’s activities at the time of his departure provided by the Consul General in Calcutta.

A moving and pleasant farewell ceremony in Formichi’s honour was held on the evening of 5th March at Dr. Rabindranath Tagore’s home. In this austere setting – austere yet becoming in its modesty – the ceremony was performed very much in accordance with the canon of Indian custom and clearly took on the character of ritual (songs, floral tributes, precious gifts, etc.). Dr. Tagore’s farewell speech, addressed to Formichi, was exemplary for its eloquence . . . [Formichi] sincerely expressed his gratitude for all the kindnesses received, and hoped that relations between our two peoples become more intimate over time.

It was for us, as representatives of Italy, a gratifying and instructive experience. Our presence in India was warmly appreciated. If Italy, and Formichi himself, have come out of it with flying colours, all the merit goes to Formichi and we should be grateful to him for his services to Italy.²¹

Tagore had different views. The farewell ceremony was celebrated in the manner traditionally reserved for special occasions. Tagore honoured a dear friend taking his leave, and expressed genuine feelings, perceived by others as potentially beneficial to their own political purposes. This should be borne in mind with reference to the reasons behind the rift that later developed between Tagore and the Italian representatives.²² Between the ideas and practices of Fascism and the personal qualities and standing of a man like Tagore there could be no accord.²³ Tagore was not immediately aware of the true nature of Fascism and Mussolini,²⁴ or of Tucci’s and Formichi’s aims. He was soon to find out, much to his displeasure. The Italians wanted to make political capital even out of their gifts. Formichi wrote,

When he receives honours from important persons such as the British Governor, Lord Lytton, British academic, writers and journalists, Mr. Spender, Mr. Malvine, Lord Simha [sic], the Maharaja of Tripura, German writers and journalists, the German Consul etc. etc., Tagore heaps praise on these tributes and their bearers. Although a poet whose message is one of peace, the admiration he feels for his illustrious visitors is heartfelt....

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication
• Table of Contents
• Foreword
• Preface
• Acknowledgements
• List of abbreviations
• 1. Italian Fascism and Indian radical nationalism: The early phase
• 2. Italian Fascism and Hindu nationalism
• 3. Italy’s Indian policy across the Ethiopian war
• 4. The Second World War
• Conclusion
• Bibliography
• Index