Navigating Model Minority Stereotypes

Asian Indian Youth in South Asian Diaspora

Rupam Saran

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2015
• ISBN:
  9781317690399
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Pedagogía
• Subtopic: Educación multicultural

Though Asian Indians are typically thought of as a "model minority", not much is known about the school experiences of their children. Positive stereotyping of these immigrants and their children often masks educational needs and issues, creates class divides within the Indian-American community, and triggers stress for many Asian Indian students. This volume examines second generation (America-born) and 1.5 generation (foreign-born) Asian Indians as they try to balance peer culture, home life and academics. It explores how, through the acculturation process, these children either take advantage of this positive stereotype or refute their stereotyped ethnic image and move to downward mobility.

Focusing on migrant experiences of the Indian diasporas in the United States, this volume brings attention to highly motivated Asian Indian students who are overlooked because of their cultural dispositions and outlooks on schooling, and those students who are more likely to underachieve. It highlights the assimilation of Asian Indian students in mainstream society and their understandings of Americanization, social inequality, diversity and multiculturalism.

1
Worlds of the Second-Generation 1.5 Generation Model Minority Youth

While I focus on the academic achievements and school experiences of South Asian immigrants’ children in American schools, it is very important to know where they come from. Who are they, and who are their role models? What conditions motivate them to excel, and whose success ideology is influencing their achievements? What factors mediate their upward or downward mobility? A close look at the legacy of South Asian migration, specifically Indian migration, to the United States and Indian immigrants’ position within the South Asian diaspora might provide answers to these questions. The model minority stereotype discourse emphasizes Asian Indian as exemplary minorities who have achieved success without political assistance; therefore, they must undertake the identities assigned to them by the dominant group (Bhatia, 2007; Kibria, 2002; Koshy, 1998; Lee, 1996). Emphasizing the socioeconomic and cultural disposition, Kibria states:

Asians in the United States have been popularly identified as the model minority, or a minority group that is primed for socioeconomic advancement and success. At the heart of their achievements are, it is said, their cultural predispositions, in particular a strong work ethic and an emphasis on education. (2002, p. 131)

In the previous chapter I pointed out the diversity within the South Asian diaspora and the disparity among various South Asian groups that influences academic achievement and the school performance of the children. In this section I explore the dynamics that have perpetuated the image of Asian Indian immigrants as a model minority. At the same time I discuss what characteristics of this immigrant population play as motivational forces for their children’s academic success in various fields of school.

The Quest for Education: Asian Indians in the Context of South Asian Migration to the United States

Although there has been significant research by many scholars on the migration patterns of South Asians as a whole to different parts of the world (Desai, 1963; Elkan, 1960; Klass, 1961), most of the research focuses on the Asian Indian population. In a significant report by the Pew Research Center (2012), The Rise of Asian Americans, the holistic term Indian is used for all South Asians. Before the emergence of the South Asian umbrella category, the migration from the Indian subcontinent was known as the Indian migration. People from the Indian subcontinent migrated to Africa, the West Indies, and England before flocking to the United States. The other major body to undertake the racial classification of South Asians was the Census Bureau. After the 1960s, racial data was needed for monitoring civil rights enforcement efforts, documenting the social and educational needs of minority groups, and reducing the differential undercount of racial and ethnic minority groups in the census (Koshy, 1998). Thus, after civil rights laws were enacted racial data was developed to include all groups.

Among South Asian diasporic communities, the Indian diaspora in the United States is distinct—it has arisen from immigrant experiences (Stacy, 1998), not from refugee status or indentured laborer experiences. In this chapter I focus on newer South Asians who migrated to the United States in 1960s, before the term South Asian came into existence. The Asian Indian population is the largest, oldest, and most established South Asian immigrant group in the United States. The legacy of Indian migration and people from other South Asian countries to the United States during 1960s and afterward is of people who left their country for a better education and greater economic success as well as a higher social status. Immigrant research literature on new immigrants and the popular press proclaim that Asian Indians are some of the newer immigrants who are well educated, highly skilled, and marked by significant upward social mobility (Pew Research Center, 2012). They migrated to the United States for a better life and opportunities for themselves and their children (Chua & Rubenfield, 2014; Feigelman & Saran, 2002; Richwine, 2009; Mogelonsky, 1995; Saran, 1985; Schaefer, 2002). Their educational and economic profile competes with the profile of whites; Asian Indians and their children are proclaimed by the dominant society as industrious, “successful minorities” (Glazer, 1997; Winnick, 1990). Glazer (1997) describes the Asian Indian population as “marked off by a high level of education, by concentration in the profession” (pp. vi–viii). The research shows that, in general, post-1965 Indian immigrants have been successful in ensuring their children’s success in school and stay on the path of upward mobility (Gibson, 1988, 2009; Walker-Mofatts, 1995). Although Asian Indians have acquired their position in the privileged middle-class society of America, they are perceived as a marginalized minority (Bhatia, 2007, Lessinger, 1996; Saran, 2007) by the dominant class.

The history of Asian Indian migration shows that a vast number of Asian Indian immigrants were attracted to American colleges because these educational institutions offered wider educational opportunities to them. Since the Second World War, the large American universities have served as magnets to attract students from India. Asian Indian immigrants are one of the largest groups of immigrants to be positively affected by the systematic policy of the elite American education. Indian immigrants took advantage of the American education policy that “steadily retreated modern admission policies which stress individual accomplishment rather than family background” (Baltzell, 1964, p. 341). This changed policy that emphasized individual merit and accomplishment rather than family background and name paved the way for the majority of early Asians who migrated to the United States for higher education.

In the late 19th century, American public schools were also an attraction for many other immigrant populations. The education historian Diane Ravitch explains the unique feature of American urban schools that were open to all: “Unlike Europe, which was burdened with rigid class barriers, in America it was believed that public schools could enable any youngster to rise above the most humble origins” (Ravitch, 2000, p. 13). American public schools promised a bright future and opportunities for all who were willing to learn and study hard. The American schools have attracted a vast number of Asian Indian immigrants. The prevalent belief of Asian Indian immigrants is that with hard work they can achieve high educational and gain economic success. In general, Asian Indians believe in the American dream and share a common belief that the United States promises considerable upward social mobility.

The Model Minorities: Post-1965 Asian Indian Immigrants and Their Children

In 1965, the United States Congress passed the Hart-Celler Act, an immigration bill that preferred skills over nationality to fulfill a growing need for qualified professionals. This act had a radical effect on the previous immigration policies because it removed race as an important element and focused on skill as the most important factor in granting immigration. The act assigned quotas to Asian countries. This quota system had a “profound effect” on the immigrant population in terms of demography and skill level (Sandis, 1980). The skill-based immigration law and the quota system invited an influx of highly educated and skilled professionals from India along with their families to enter the United States as immigrants. The majority of these professionals were doctors and engineers, and they spoke English. According to the Census Bureau, from 1981 to 2000 Indian immigrants comprised 10.3 percent of all Asian immigrants, and by the year 2010 that number had grown to 19.9 percent (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). From 1981 to 2000, there was also a golden period for students with a computer technology background.

Lessinger (1996) pointed out the following unique characteristic of post-1965 professional Asian Indian immigrants: “It is not its poorest citizen who migrated to the United States but rather its most, sophisticated: people trained in economics, medicine, engineering, and management” (p. 11). The census data from 1990 to 2014 shows that the median income of Asian Indians in the United State has increased, and Asian Indians’ earnings are among the highest income bracket (Chua & Rubenfeld, 2014; Feigelman et al., 2002). Chua & Rubenfeld (2014) reported that Asian Indians earn almost double the national figure of income; that is, “roughly $90.000 per year in median household income versus $50,000” (p. 1). Asian Indians are one of the wealthiest immigrant groups in the United States. According to 2009 census data, the percentage of Asian Americans who are 25 years or older and hold a bachelor’s degree was 41 percent higher than that of the white American population of the same age range (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). Among all Asian groups—Asian Indians, Chinese Americans, and Japanese Americans—the Asian Indians have the highest level of educational achievement (Feigelman & Saran, 2002; Schaefer, 2002). Alarcon refers to Asian Indian immigrants as “skilled immigrants” who are permanent residents or naturalized citizens and perceives them as India’s contribution to the United States: “India provides with the largest number of highly educated groups” (Alarcon, 2000, p. 301). Since 1965 a large number of highly qualified immigrants have migrated to the United States from India and have contributed to the U.S. economy with their expertise. In the context of a “skilled immigration” pattern, Foner and associates (2000) state:

India provides the United States the largest number of highly educated immigrants … Indian engineers and scientists have a comparative advantage over other professionals in the developing world. The apparent difference in the social and economic backgrounds on Mexican and Indian professionals-Indian professionals generally come from more affluent families-supports the notion that Indians, like other Asian immigrants, have already experienced a more severe selection process when trying to emigrate to the United States. (p. 317)

Who Validates the Model Minority Stereotype?

Based on success of first-generation, second-generation, and 1.5-generation and census data in recent years, the popular press has validated the model minority image of Asian Indians and their children. The popular press has depicted Asian Americans as extraordinary achievers, and their children are portrayed as nerds (Chua & Rubenfeld 2014, “Asian Americans,” 1984; Biemiller 1986; “When Being Best,” 1987; “‘Whiz Kid’ Image,” 1988; “Probing into,” 1990). These publications have portrayed Asian Americans as high-achievers and an intelligent group of people who deserve to be stereotyped as the model minority. Impressed by success stories of Asian Indians, Jesse Helms, the former senator, praised Asian Indians, “Indian Americans represent the best and the brightest the United States has to offer. You can go to the finest hospitals, you can go to the universities, you can go to business and there they are, people from India” (cited in Prasad, 2000, p. 7). Many politicians have compared Asian Indians with other ethnic groups. For example, in 1997, senator Phil Gramm asserted, “Indians as an ethnic group had the highest per-capita income and highest average education level in U.S. He said U.S. needed more hard working and successful immigrants like Indians” (cited in Visweswaran, 1997, p. 5).

The demographic description of Asian Indian immigrants reveals that these middle- or upper-class Indian professionals belong to the higher castes. Coming from a society where caste and class politics are one of the most important elements of one’s life, it is easy for these individuals to adapt to the hierarchical education system of American society. Nimbark (1980) explains this characteristic of Indian immigrants as a “high correlation between upper class names and scientific productivity” (p. 254). These immigrants are role models to their children and they had higher expectations for their children. Children of these highly skilled professionals are benefited by their parents’ higher human, cultural, and social capital (Bourdieu, 1979), and it is easier for them to follow their parents trajectories of success. According to an Open Doors 2013 report (Institute of International Education 2013), India is the second leading place of origin for students coming to the United States. The majority of Indian students study at the graduate level, and many come with their families (spouse and children). Although politicians, scholars, and the popular press validate the model minority image of Asian Indians, they fail to point out the growing population of Asian Indians who do not fit the model minority image.

A Brief History: Migration from Indian Subcontinent

Based on the educational and professional backgrounds of many post-1965 Asian Indians, Feigelman and Saran (2002) referred to them as “primary” immigrants and their relatives or post-1975 immigrants as the “secondary” immigrant group. In the 1980s and onward the nature of Indian migration to the United States changed. The 1965 skill-based immigration act that opened door for professional Indians along with their families tightened by 1976, and it allowed only those Indian immigrants who showed proof of employment in the United States before they migrated to this country. Although this change restricted the number of technical and professional immigrants from South Asia, it did not curb the entry of South Asians to the United States. The family members of professional immigrants still qualified to migrate to the United States. As a result, a good number of working-class and nonprofessional undocumented Indians entered the United States (Bhatia, 2007; Prasad, 2000; Saran, 2010). The professional Asian Indian immigrants brought their family members, who were comparatively less educated and less qualified on the basis of kinship. The kinship element of immigration law permitted immigrants to sponsor and apply for their family members’ immigration to the United States. Because of the shift in the nature and quality of South Asian immigration patterns, the number of working-class and semiprofessional Asian Indians in American society has increased. Many of these Asian Indian immigrants have menial and blue-collar jobs. They are not the best and brightest, and they experience the same challenges as all working-class people in America. The members of the secondary group are not highly qualified, but they try their best to educate their children and send them to college. Although parents try to do their best to educate their ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• Overview
• 1 Worlds of the Second-Generation 1.5 Generation Model Minority Youth
• 2 Investment in Education: Moving to Upward Mobility
• 3 In Between Indianness and Americanness: Identity in Practice within Lived World
• 4 Balancing Act: Negotiation of the Model Minority Stereotype: Confirmation, Reaffirmation, and Academic Engagement
• 5 Beyond Stereotype: Voices of Unmodel Minority Students
• 6 Listening to Voices on Race Relationships, Interracial Animosity and Friendship, and Neighborhood Enclaves
• 7 Reflective Thoughts
• Index