Introduction:
Unpacking Autocracies: Explaining Similarity and Difference
Aurel Croissant, Steffen Kailitz, Patrick Koellner and Stefan Wurster
Abstract:
Since the early years of the twenty-first century, comparative authoritarianism research has evolved into one of the fastest growing research fields in comparative politics. This first volume of Comparing Autocracies in the Early Twenty-First Century takes stock of recent research and provides new conceptual, theoretical, and empirical insights. The contributors to the volume address three broad questions: How to conceptualize and measure forms of autocratic rule? Which factors shape the development of autocratic rule? What is the role of political institutions and of specific strategies for maintaining (different forms) of autocratic rule?
Introduction
The history of humanity is replete with dictators and dictatorships of various stripes and colours. Non-democratic rule has been the norm across the globe over the past centuries. Yet, after the first wave of conceptual and empirical studies of various forms and manifestations of autocratic rule1 â ranging from totalitarian, âhyper-politicizedâ systems of rule to various manifestations of authoritarian rule which aim at depoliticizing citizens â had effectively petered out in the 1980s, research on autocracies experienced a certain lull until the late 1990s.2 Although the analysis of different forms of autocracy remained a relevant topic even during the heyday of democratisation studies in the 1980s and 1990s, genuine autocracy research clearly ebbed away as researchers began to focus on the importance of authoritarian rule for the opportunities in, paths to and challenges of democratisation and the consolidation of post-authoritarian regimes.3
Figure 1. Number of articles in the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) dealing with authoritarianism or autocracies (1990â2012).
One of the characteristics of political science research is that research topics experience recurrent cycles. In particular Barbara Geddesâ path-breaking examination of the durability of different types of authoritarian rule4 inspired a new generation of comparativists to study autocracies.5 While explorations of the transition processes from dictatorship to democracy and the consolidation of young democracies shaped the agenda of comparative political science during the 1980s and 1990s like hardly any other issue, authoritarianism research evolved during the first decade of the new millennium into one of the fastest growing areas in comparative politics and political economy (see Figure 1). Three developments have contributed to this renewed focus on autocracies. The first one is the end of the so-called third wave of democratisation.6 According to the annual Freedom in the World Report by Freedom House, the proportion of electoral democracies among all states in the world is declining â from 64% in the year 2006 (123 out of 193 countries) to 61% in 2012 (118 out of 195).7 Second, not all past regime changes have led to democracy. In a substantial number of cases, new autocratic and hybrid systems of political rule emerged which combine democratic institutions and autocratic practices and which researchers have classified as âelectoral authoritarianismâ8 or âcompetitive authoritarianismâ.9 Authoritarian regimes that play the game of multiparty elections are not a new phenomenon. But they seem more widespread today than at the beginning of the third wave.10 Third, the economic rise of some autocratically ruled nations (e.g., China, Singapore, and Vietnam) seems to question the assumption that the established liberal democracies in the West have a general âdemocracy advantageâ. This âadvantageâ claim has come under particular scrutiny since the advent of the recent global financial and economic crisis.
As a result of these developments, theoretical and empirical comparative research on autocracies has experienced a ârenaissanceâ in recent years.11 Barbara Geddesâ seminal study on the relationship between the forms of autocracy and the probability of regime change,12 as well as Juan Linzâs call to pay more attention to the newly emerging varieties of semi-democratic or authoritarian rule,13 provided the impetus for the proliferation of new research agendas, theories, methods and empirical studies on âauthoritarianism in the age of democratisationâ.14 At the same time, the aparticular: new authoritar ianism research exhibits some central themes and traits. These include, in particular:15
- A focus on the durability, persistence, or resilience of various forms and types of autocratic rule.
- A common concern with autocratic strategies of repression, legitimation, and the co-optation of elites and societal forces, and the implications of these strategies for the persistence or failure of autocracy.16 The research in this vein includes some influential, rational choice-based theories concerning the political logic of regime survival in different regime settings and their consequences for policy-making in autocracies and democracies17 as well as numerous examinations of the links between resource-wealth usage and autocratic rule.18
- A reappraisal of the role of political institutions such as elections, legislatures and parties in autocracies and the importance of these institutions for the reproduction of authoritarian rule (see the section below on institutions in autocracies).
The renewed interest in political institutions and types of âauthoritarianism with adjectivesâ,19 and the emergence of new theories of authoritarian rule have provided a considerable amount of knowledge for the comparative analysis of autocracies. Moreover, research on autocracies has in recent years become increasingly institutionalized, with relevant research efforts becoming more stable, durable and internally complex. Arguably, contemporary research on autocracies is also becoming increasingly valued within the political science community and beyond.20 The contributions in this first volume on Comparing Autocracies in the Early Twenty-First Century take stock of this recent research and provide new conceptual, theoretical, and empirical insights by addressing three broad questions: How to conceptualize and measure forms of autocratic rule? Which factors shape the development of autocratic rule? What is the role of political institutions and of specific strategies for maintaining (different forms) of autocratic rule?
Classifications and Typologies of Autocratic Rule
An elaborated typology of political regimes is far more important for research on autocracies than for research on democracies. Research on democracy focusses on one regime type. While researchers need to distinguish democracy from non-democracy â which is difficult enough â21 it is of secondary importance for them whether all non-democracies can be captured by the broad category of autocracy or whether several distinct types of non-democracy exist. However, the multitude of quantitative and qualitative findings of autocracy research can be properly referred to each other and be integrated into a general picture, only if an orientation towards a shared typology of regimes exists.
For a long time, the distinction between (liberal) democracies, authoritarian regimes and totalitarian regimes dominated research on political regimes. This classification was commonly used since the 1930s.22 Juan Linzâs work provided a differentiated appraisal of âauthoritarian regimesâ.23 However, a general problem with the old trifold typology is that the term âtotalitarianismâ is very narrowly defined and does not include â at least according to Linz â important parts of the communist and fascist states. Therefore the category of authoritarianism covers almost all current autocracies. It is thus too broadly defined and does not allow for the development and testing of meaningful hypotheses for comparative studies. In essence, the category of authoritarianism says little more than that relevant systems of political rule are non-totalitarian non-democracies. This problem might have contributed to the fact that Linzâs elaborate, if rather historically grounded typology of authoritarian regimes has hardly ever been used in empirical studies.
Todayâs students of autocratic rule can choose from a range of datasets that have become available since the late 1990s. Barbara Geddesâ efforts at putting together data on autocracies based on the question of âwho rules?â have proven particularly popular among scholars in terms of own applications and overall citations.24 While Geddesâ initial dataset distinguished between military, single-party and personalist regimes (plus amalgams of these pure types), more recent versions add another type, viz. monarchies, and further differentiate the military and the party-regime types.25 Another well-received dataset has been developed by Jose Cheibub et al., who â with respect to autocratic regimes (and their âinner sanctumsâ) â distinguish between military, monarchic and civilian dictatorships.26
A third well-known dataset, which is presented in a revised version in this volume, is that by Michael Wahman, Jan Teorell and Axel Hadenius. They distinguish political regimes on the basis of what they perceive as the primary mode of maintaining power, viz. hereditary succession (monarchies), the use of military force or threat thereof (military regimes), and elections (various types of electoral regimes, including democracies, but also various sub-types of authoritarian electoral regimes, viz. single-party, limited multi-party and no-party based regimes).27 A fourth comprehensive dataset has recently been put together by Steffen Kailitz and his classification is presented in his contribut...