And with regard to those tribes who occasionally visit us ⌠they seem to be acquainted (at least to a considerable extent) with the relative possessions of the Black & White populationsâ They are conscious of what is going on â they are driven from this favoured haunt & from their other favoured haunts & threatened if they do not leave immediately they will be lodged in gaol or shot. It is to the Missionaries they come with their tales of woe & their language isâ âWillyou not select for us also a portion of land?â. âMycountry all gone, gone⌠The White men have stolen itâ.8
The devastating mortality rates also provoked despair among the traditional landowners. In 1843, a Woiworung elder and signatory to a treaty with John Batman in 1835,9 headman Billibellary, commented to one of the assistant protectors, William Thomas, that no good have them Pickaninneys now, no country for blackfellows like long time agoâ. Yet, he also added, âif Yarra blackfellows had a country on the Yarra ⌠they would stop on it and cultivate the groundâ.10
The plight of Aborigines in Victoria worsened with the gold rushes of the 1850s but, by the end of that decade, a humanitarian resurgence resulted in the appointment of a select committee in 1858 âto inquire into the present condition of the Aborigines of this colony, and the best means of alleviating their absolute wantsâ.11 Humanitarians, who had been influential in the 1830s and 1840s, believed that Europeans were superior to Aborigines and had a duty âto colonise the waste places of the earthâ (such as Australia), but they also acknowledged âthe great factâ that Aborigines were the âoriginal possessorsâ and Europeans were âintrudersâ whose âhostile invasionâ had deprived the indigenes of âtheir former mode of existenceâ and almost âexterminatedâ them. Accordingly, they believed that Aborigines had an âinalienableâ right to obtain âthe necessaries and comforts of lifeâ and had a âclaimâ upon the colonisers; in fact, âthe very first chargeâ upon colonial government, they argued, should be âdue compensation or provisionâ for the Aborigines.12 As in Van Diemenâs Land, these humanitarians also recommended that Aborigines should be concentrated on reserves of land where they could be supervised by missionaries who would âChristianise and civiliseâ them so they would become useful to âthe state and themselvesâ. This approach was sanctioned by the Select Committee and later adopted by the government which appointed a Central Board for the Protection of the Aborigines.13
Before the Select Committee reported, however, several Woiworung and Taungurong men waited upon the Guardian of Aborigines, William Thomas, who petitioned the government on their behalf (6). Government acceded to the request for land on the Acheron River and soon Taungurong Aborigines were, in Thomasâ words, âwending their way to their Goshen (Promised Land)â.14 However, the strength of their determination was sorely tested when their hunger for land was thwarted on the Acheron and elsewhere (7) until, in 1863, they and the Woiworung were finally granted land at another traditional site on the Yarra River, a place they named Coranderrk. A month or so later they attended a birthday levee for Queen Victoria (8), and the gazettal of the reserve and a subsequent message from the Queen guaranteeing her âinterestâ in âtheir advancement and welfareâ seem to have established a strong belief that the reserve was the gift of the Queen and the Governor, to be theirs in perpetuity15
The reserveâs first decade was one of considerable progress, encouraged by the management of John Green and the leadership of Simon Wonga, William Barak and Tommy Bamfield, whose forebears had been ngmmgaeta or headmen, and who thus had inherited their traditional authority.16 Yet the Aborigines remained âanxious and uncertain respecting the tenure of their landâ, nervous âthey may be turned away at any timeâ.17 In the mid-1870s their worst fears were realised when the Board for the Protection of Aborigines won greater control over the management of the reserve, forced Green to resign his position as manager, and attempted to close Coranderrk and move its inhabitants to another reserve. This began more than a decade of ârebellionâ by the Aborigines, who resented the loss of Green, the authoritarianism of his successorsâ Hugh Halliday, Revd W.P. Strickland and William Goodallâand the Boardâs heavy-handed intervention, and were angered by the threat of banishment.
Their campaign of protest was a relatively sophisticated one. For example, they used their literacy skills to follow colonial politics in the press and write letters to the editors of daily newspapers (12) and to government ministers (14); they formed deputations to wait upon sympathetic ministers such as Chief Secretary Graham Berry (13) and other politicians (11); and they sought the support of humanitanans such as Anne Bon. Their protests were often stardingly effective. The Victorian government was forced to hold two major inquiriesâthe first, in 1877, to inquire generally into policy on Aborigines and the second, in 1881, to inquire specifically into Coranderrk, at which Coranderrk Aborigines gave evidence and presented a petition (10).18