Tackling Child Sexual Abuse

Radical Approaches to Prevention, Protection and Support

Nelson, Sarah

• Publisher: Policy Press
• Year: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781447313892
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Children's Studies in Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

In this outspoken and challenging book, Sarah Nelson argues that progress in addressing childhood sexual abuse has been in fearful or complacent retreat and that change is urgently needed in order to prevent abuse occurring, and to better support survivors. From this starting point, she puts forward radical suggestions for new models of practice. These are designed to provide perpetrator-focussed child protection, to encourage community approaches to prevention, and to better support those who have survived abuse. As revelations of widespread child abuse continue to emerge at an unprecedented rate, this book campaigns for change, offering policy makers and practitioners solutions for new ways in tackling sexual abuse, working alongside survivors to reduce its prevalence and impact.

PART I

Setting the scene: some barriers to progress

ONE

From rediscovery to suppression? Challenges to reducing CSA

Introduction

Cause for optimism?

Surely in the UK we are now tackling child sexual abuse (CSA) more successfully, giving us all confidence for continuing progress? Consider the vast array of child protection procedures and guidelines now in place, and the almost weekly media publicity about CSA, which suggests this hidden crime is now being addressed more openly and more effectively. Consider the powerful impetus which shocking revelations of large scale, unrecognised or previously unaddressed sexual abuse against children has given to efforts against its repetition. That includes widespread revelations of sexual abuse by clergy, particularly by Catholic and Anglican priests; and growing acknowledgement of the silencing power which was held over victims and prospective whistleblowers by these religious figures, by showbusiness celebrities and by politicians.

A succession of inquiries in 2013 and 2014 followed the televised exposé in October 2012 into many hundreds of assaults over five decades by the late disc jockey and presenter Jimmy Savile, whose targets included disabled and mentally distressed young hospital patients. Few attacks had been reported, and none prosecuted (Gray and Watt, 2013). Convictions of the artist and international entertainer Rolf Harris and the broadcaster Stuart Hall for sexual offences against girls followed (BBC News, 2014a; Spillett, 2014). Longstanding abuse of boys by the late Cyril Smith MP had apparently been concealed for decades by the authorities, while investigations were also launched into suspected child sexual abuse by several prominent former members of the British Parliament (Glennie, 2013; MacKean, 2013; BBC News, 2015c; Grierson, 2015).

Then police inquiries were belatedly reopened into in-care abuse rings where perpetrators allegedly included influential figures from politics, business and social care, for instance in North Wales and London (Dobson, 2013). Following a raft of new individual inquiries, inquiries into historical abuse were set up in both England and Wales and Scotland – though it has proved a fraught process in England, involving first the resignation of its first two nominated chairs (Chorley, 2014; Constance, 2014; STV News, 2014; BBC News, 2015d, 2015e; Davies, 2015).

Meanwhile there was widespread public and professional shock at child sexual exploitation scandals which erupted in English towns and cities including Rochdale, Rotherham and Oxford (Williams, 2012a, 2012b; Rawlinson et al, 2013; Jay, 2014; and Chapter Four). Widespread organised abuse of vulnerable young teenage and pre-teenage girls had been disturbingly ignored for many years, largely due to derogatory, contemptuous attitudes to ‘difficult’ young girls of a supposedly ‘promiscuous’ lifestyle, and to alleged fears of appearing racist against men of Pakistani heritage.

The fallout from all these abuse scandals, and the recommendations of the inquiries, are expected to improve further the protection of children from sexual assault.

Overall decline in prevalence?

Another cause for apparent optimism lies in statistics which suggest that overall, child sexual abuse has declined since the early 1990s. Some distinguished international child protection figures such as Professor David Finkelhor argue that this indicates it is being addressed more effectively. All these developments give hope that the historic movement of child sexual abuse from ‘cycles of discovery’ back to ‘cycles of suppression’ (Olafson et al, 1993) has ended at last.

… or a decline in protection?

In contrast, I believe that protection of children from sexual assault has in many ways declined over the past two decades. Thus, meeting current challenges will call for more than good intentions: many policies, practices and structures need radically to change. We must redesign a positive, proactive child protection policy in the interests of sexually abused children and young people (Davies and Duckett, 2008).

In these concerns I am neither dismissing improvements made, nor denying that child sexual abuse can be reduced. I strongly believe that it can be, or I would not continue to work and campaign in this field. It is also very likely that reductions of CSA have occurred in some settings (for example, in residential care) given the past three decades of modern awareness about CSA in a context of increased knowledge of children’s views, and the strength and contribution of survivor organisations. However, growth in other settings is also very likely (for example, through internet and social media-related sexual crime, including peer-on-peer abuse, and child trafficking).

This chapter outlines some methodological and other flaws in research which suggests an overall decline in CSA. I argue that the backlash has had a very intimidatory effect on its exposure, and that changes in policy and practice have decreased the detection and prosecution of, and the safeguarding of children against, sexual abuse. Priority for professional investigation of CSA in child protection has seriously declined across England, Scotland and Wales in comparison with other forms of abuse and neglect. While the recent focus on addressing child sexual exploitation (CSE) more effectively in teenagers, especially from gangs and groups, is very welcome, it can make limited impact if many of those at greatest risk of CSE – children who have previously been abused, often within the home – are not protected earlier in life.

This chapter considers some impacts of the backlash, by accused adults and their supporters, against the exposure of child sexual abuse (the content of backlash theories is critically explored in Chapter Two). It is precisely since the early 1990s and the growth of this backlash that the reductions in substantiated CSA cases have taken place. I argue that fearful, defensive policies in response to this intimidation need assertively to be reversed.

During and after the 1990s ideological influences affecting central and local government decisions have also undermined children’s safety from sexual abuse. I am greatly indebted to the work of Liz Davies in highlighting this. There has been a major shift towards family support and assessment of need, rather than protection and investigation of harm; increased targeting of services, even though child sexual abuse affects all social classes and ethnic groups; and other damaging changes to protection from CSA. The chapter concludes by asking how we might genuinely prevent, detect and reduce CSA in various settings, and how we might in future more accurately measure decline, stasis or increase in this serious crime. That sets the scene for forthcoming chapters of this book.

Reassuring statistics of decline?

Statistics which suggest a decline in substantiated cases of child sexual abuse have come largely from the USA and Australia. There is no long-term study in the UK, although a few apparently encouraging surveys have been published. Nonetheless we should consider these decline statistics seriously, especially as someone of Professor Finkelhor’s standing and contribution to child sexual abuse research has promoted them widely; and use them to think through what kinds of questions should be asked about ways of assessing the prevalence of sexual abuse.

In the USA, a National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect found that both known physical and sexual abuses of children have dropped significantly over 25 years.

Numbers of substantiated CSA victims began increasing nationally after 1977, with recognition of the issue, until 1992.1 Between 1993 and 2005, substantiated numbers of sexually abused children dropped by 38%, while physical abuse numbers fell by 15 %. Even between 1992 and 1998, substantiated cases of CSA declined from a national estimated peak of 149,800 cases in 1992 to 103,600 cases in 1998 (Almeida et al, 2008; Finkelhor et al, 2010, 2014; National Children’s Advocacy Center, 2011; Finkelhor and Jones, 2012). The authors conclude ‘There is fairly consistent and convergent evidence from a variety of sources pointing to large declines in sexual abuse, from 1992 to 2010’ (Finkelhor and Jones, 2012). This can only be a brief discussion of statistics gathered in these studies over the years, and more detailed, regularly updated figures can be found via the NDACAN website.2

Encouraging UK study?

It also seems initially encouraging that a recent NSPCC prevalence study in the UK found very low reports of child sexual abuse, at only 5% of respondents. Contact and non-contact sexual abuse by a parent or guardian was even more rarely reported, at 1.7% of cases. No past-year reports of parent/guardian-perpetrated sexual abuse were made for any age group. Only 1.5% of females aged 18–24 reported that CSA happened during their childhood (Radford et al, 2011).

Child protection statistics

Further, reduced registrations and concerns about child sexual abuse in the child protection statistics appear to suggest that the problem is declining.

For instance in Scotland (and despite continuing increases in the total numbers of children on child protection registers for any abuse, neglect or other concern), between 2007 to 2013 inclusive, the numbers of children registered for sexual abuse concerns varied between only 190 and 240. Approximately 887,400 of the Scottish population are under 16. Even in the year with the highest annual number of CSA registrations, this is only .00027 of that young population (Scottish Government, 2014).

In England, figures relate to the Child Protection Register until 2010, and to child protection plans from 2010 onwards. Numbers of CSA-related cases varied, between 2010 and 2013, between 2,000 and 2,400. There are approximately 9.99 million children under 16 in England. The proportion of this young population on registers or child protection plans for sexual abuse during those years was between .00024 and .00020 (HM Government, 2014).

Both percentages and numbers of children with sexual abuse-related concerns were considerably higher in the 1990s. For example in England between 1994 and 1998, while the percentage of CSA-related registrations fell somewhat, from 26% to 21%, they were still considerably above today’s figures.

So, looking at those statistics, one possible hypothesis is that since the early 1990s the authorities and society as a whole have gradually been addressing and preventing the crime of CSA more effectively. Another possible hypothesis is that between 1977 and the early 1990s, CSA was being uncovered ever more effectively; but events then happened to impede and slow down this progress in protecting children, a decline which continues.

Acknowledging likely areas of reduction

It is important to acknowledge that preventive work in some settings over recent decades is very likely to have reduced the incidence of child sexual abuse in those settings. This is especially true of organised, systematic or opportunistic crime by abusers who deliberately seek out paid work and volunteering with children. Through enforced background checks and use of stricter references, through restrictions on taking children away overnight and other precautions, opportunities for sexual abuse by adults have become more difficult (though far from impossible: see Robinson, 2014). These adults include teachers, care staff and youth leaders who work in authorised child and youth care settings, and institutional and residential care.

Considering Jimmy Savile for instance, it is unlikely now that a lone unrelated male – whatever his status – would be allowed to take children from care settings repeatedly to his car, caravan or dressing room. Many more institutions now have child protection procedures around unchaperoned settings. (Although this does not mean that peer-on-peer abuse in residential care settings has necessarily diminished, and is unlikely to do so without coherent protective planning and a keener awareness of gender issues: see Green, 2005.)

Second, acute modern fears (however disproportionate) about allowing children to play outside, or to walk unaccompanied to school, will protect some children who were previously at risk. In my own research with both women and men, adult survivors described being sexually abused while playing outside, while walking long distances alone to school, or on errands for the family: by shopkeepers, farmers, farm labourers, caravan owners, relatives, older children or others, sometimes for many years (Nelson, 2001, 2009).

Third, it is important to acknowledge that the intensive work and skills involved in monitoring known sex offenders through registration and multi-agency public protection arrangements (MAPPA) is likely to have reduced opportunities for perpetration in those offenders: even though caution is needed in that known offenders remain very much a minority of all perpetrators. The imprisonment of ever more sex offenders will reduce some risks, especially by some of the most dangerous or prolific ones: at least while they are confined. It remains difficult to assess accurately the effectiveness of sex offender programmes in reducing CSA, because recidivism rates poorly test their effectiveness. It is easy, given developing new online technologies, for perpetrators to continue committing undetected, unreported sexual crime. Issues for sex offender programmes are discussed in detail in Chapter Ten.

Problems with the figures

Do statistics of d...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• Introduction
• PART I: Setting the scene: some barriers to progress
• PART II: Children and young people
• PART III: Working with adult survivors of sexual abuse
• Conclusion
• References
• About the authors