Manâs condition is the result of a series of transformations.
(J. B. Bury)
Public relations is, and to a significant extent has historically been, what I have called in examining the Catholic Reformation the propagation of awe (Brown, 2004). What follows, then, is an extended reflection on the ways in which public relations, religion, and spirituality have shown interdependence in the course of their respective development, as well as a similar, if little-noted orientation toward an increasing liberalization of perspective. Broadly speaking, and by and large, both public relations and religion can be seen as having progressed toward inclusiveness. The narrative of American religious and spiritual history offers much evidence that, as manâs condition has (as Bury noted above) revealed many transformations, the role of public relations has been far broader and deeper than a publicity tool. Conversely, religion and spirituality are baked into public relations. These historical movements may account, in part, for the continuity of the ways in which religion and public relations have sought to partner with each other over the centuries.
The thesis of this chapter is not to reframe public relations as âreligiousâ or âspiritual,â but to demonstrate how the nature and the practice of each has helped to shape the other. The chapter focuses on this mutual shaping throughout American history, but that interpenetration extends well before and beyond America. In fact, the ancient and continuing association of religion and public relations has received scant attention in the scholarly literature. Outside the scope of public relations scholarship, public relations and religion are not mentioned in the same breath, except perhaps by public relationsâ many critics as antonyms. In this chapter, my purpose is to examine the ways in which the American historical religious and spiritual narrative can be illuminated by considering it in public relations terms.
I arrived at the intersection of religion and public relations when I began researching the influence of Saint Paul in the first century ce, and of the power of Catholic Reformation popes in the seventeenth century. Grunig and Hunt (1984) observed that the spread of Christianity in the first century by the apostles Peter and Paul was âone of the great public relations accomplishments in historyâ (p. 15). But the consensus about the modern origins of public relations points to the dubious influence of P. T. Barnum, the entrepreneur of circuses and freak shows who is known for having said that thereâs a sucker born every minute. Grunig and Huntâs account, which influenced a generation of textbooks, used Barnum as a straw man for the uncritically progressivist thesis that public relations âevolvedâ from Barnum in the nineteenth century to professionalism and ethics in the twentieth (1984). For example, in The Essentials of Public Relations, Wilcox, Ault, Agee and Cameron (2000, p. 25) explained the âfunctionsâ of public relations as âevolvingâ from its beginning with Barnumâs invention of the âpseudoevent.â Grunig (1992) then further extended the progressive view of public relations development by pointing to public relations as evolving into âsymmetricalâ practices as excellent âsymmetrical communication systemsâ for organizations (p. 16). However, it is highly unlikely that the idea of symmetry was intended to comprise or encompass religion or spirituality; Grunigâs is a managerial, quantitative, and secular perspective, not a religious one.
Symmetry has enjoyed the status of a dominant theory. Challenges, however, have not been infrequent; and when reconsidered critically and historically, another dimension of Grunigâs conceptâthe idea that public relations has âevolvedââhas also been called into question (Brown, 2010; Lamme and Russell, 2010). The tent of public relations has always been capacious enough for a cornucopia of practices, some more ethical and excellent than others. One of symmetry theoryâs central flaws is its focus on the managerial, organizational, and corporate side of public relations, which has marginalized (if not excluded) other contexts, especially religion and spirituality. Against historical realities and common sense, symmetry theory elevated the corporate social responsibility programs of industrial corporations over such foundational works of moral influence as the Sermon on the Mount, the Homerically inspired rhetorical analysis of Aristotle, the poetry of Paulâs I Corinthians 13, the divine aesthetics of Michelangeloâs Sistine Chapel ceiling, the ecstasy of Berniniâs sculpture of Saint Teresa, and even the theatrical appeal of Barnumâs mermaids, midgets, and jumbo elephants.
Whither religion amid modern public relationsâ culture of managerialism and quantitative research? Conceptually speaking, religion and spirituality enter the space of public relations when the fieldâs scholarly perspective opens to include art, awe, inspiration, passion, poetry, magic, miracle, and music. The origins, inspirations, and models of public relations must be understood to include the ethical presence of Aristotle and religious influence of Saint Paul as well as the charlatanism of Barnum and the marketing calculations of corporate social responsibility. With rare exceptions (Marchand, 1998; Tilson, 2011), public relations scholars have been uninterested in religion and spirituality, perhaps because they appear to fall outside the conventional conceptions of the field as a behavioral science that focuses on the management of communication. But those perspectives ignore the reality that public relations cannot be abstracted from the larger, broader, cultural, and historical conversation in which religion and spirituality have played a major role.
The idea of public relations changes considerably when examined unconventionally from a cultural, historical, and spiritual perspective. In The Promotion of Devotion, Tilson (2011) conceptualizes public relations as a covenant not only between human beings and God, but between individuals and the celebrities and shrines that, in secular societies, forge covenantal bonds, fill concert halls and football stadiums, and generate pilgrimages, TV ratings, print impressions, and innumerable Facebook likes and Twitter followers. Public relations and religion have been effectively shaping each other long before modernity, he argues. Public relations is both Barnumâs circus and St. Paulâs Cathedral. For Tilson, religion is âcovered in a layer of promotionâ (p. 2). To connect religion and spirituality with public relations is to embrace its interdisciplinarity and its pluralistic inclusiveness, he says.
The scholarly and practitioner ambition to position public relations almost exclusively in managerial, technological, scientific, modern, and ethical frameworks can be traced to the âpioneers,â perhaps especially to Bernays. Ever mindful of the powers of perception and of language, he emphasized the neutrality of the term public relations counsel. Bernaysâ wordsmithing was intended to effect a transformation and transcendence of his practice. But not only have such strategies failed to do what they were intended to do; they have also managed to obscure the universally appealing qualities of enthusiasm, drama, and theatricality. By attempting to subsume propaganda into the more-clinical term âpublic relations,â Bernays helped to obscure, whether intentionally or not, the religious and spiritual dimensions of public relations. Nor has Bernaysâ wordsmithing persuaded the popular mind or critics of public relations that the practice was something entirely different than propaganda (LâEtang and Pieczka, 2006).
What the conceptual broadening and inclusiveness of public relations permits is not only to open the door to religion and spirituality; it also helps us understand the role of religion and spirituality in shaping the conflicted and dramatic history of the American conversation. A broader, post-organizational, and post-symmetrical conceptualization of public relations shines a light on both the awesome and the ordinary. It is in religious and spiritual experienceâin the theater of religious conversion and spiritual enthusiasmâthat the passionate nature of public relations can be restored to both its historical and contemporary conceptualizations.
The Great Awakening: outward manifestations of an inward drama
The religious revival of the 1740s was nothing if not theatrical, one of the attributes of messianic religion and much of public relations. Tracy (1842), an early and influential historian of the Awakening, described sermons as eliciting a powerful display of emotion: âPersons sometimes involuntarily âcry outâ, fall down faint, or go into convulsions,â he said (p. 221). By some accounts, the Great Awakening began with the arrival in the American colonies from England of George Whitefield (also known as âWhitfieldâ), a preacher with legendary powers of eloquence powerful enough to unleash emotional outbursts from revival event throngs of up to 30,000 sinners, according to newspaper accounts from the Connecticut Valley southward to Philadelphia and Georgia (Lambert, 2001).
Lambert (2001) traced the period of the Great Awakening from smaller and disparate âawakeningsâ in the mid-1730s to broader and âinterconnectedâ revivals in the 1740s (p. 6). Emblematic of this development was Jonathan Edwards. Despite (or because of) the effect of his sermons on his fainting, wailing audiences, Edwards was, in fact, suspicious of the legitimacy of operatic emotionalism as a true test of conversion; he fell out of favor with his congregation and was forced out. Lambert (2001) noted the public relations intensity of the revivals in his book Inventing the Great Awakening. The emotional outbursts and the swelling of the crowds into the tens of thousands made for much publicity, a historical fact fundamental to Lambertâs thesis that the Great Awakening was, as his title suggests, âinvented.â It is a term with a whiff of disapproval of a sort common to critics of public relations like Boorstin (1992), who dismissed public relations as something merely made up and vaporous rather than real and credible.
On one level, however, Lambertâs âinvention thesisâ resonates with Tilsonâs (2011) examination of the covenantal nature of public relations; Tilson found emotionalism and publicity in the devotion (Tilsonâs term) paid to pop culture and media idols such as John F. Kennedy, Marilyn Monroe, Martin Luther King, Princess Diana, and Michael Jackson. Contextualized by the funerals, concerts, posters, and publicity of public relations, their assassinations, homicides, and suicides are lifted to the religious and spiritual space of legend, hagiography, and martyrdom. It is a process that converges the profane, popular, and trendy with the sacred, mystical, and eternal. This coalescence of profane and sacred spaces recalls the historian Mircea Eliadeâs (1987) descriptions of âprimitiveâ cultures. The difference, however, is that Eliade discovered that the sacred was emphatically distinct from the profane, whereas Tilson found that the sacred and the profane converge in the public adoration of saints and celebrities.
Invented or not, the Awakening courted its own convergence of spaces. Contrary to historians who have framed the Awakening as essentially American, Miller (1952) saw the Great Awakening as âonly incidentally Americanâ (p. 143). He saw the movementâs explosive expression as reflective of the dissatisfaction of individuals on both sides of the Atlantic with the emotionally unsatisfying, rationalistic, and scientific culture of the Enlightenment. Miller (1952) observed that âbetween about 1740 and 1760 practically all of Western Europe was swept by some kind of religious enthusiasmâ (p. 143). Lambert (2001) had yet another historiographical perspective. He viewed the revivalism as not one single great awakening in America, but numerous awakenings that have appeared episodically throughout American history. From a public relations perspective, Lambert offered an agenda-setting interpretation with elements of media cultivation in which ârevivalists fashioned the awakeningâ (p. 7). He noted that revivalists engaged in a variety of what can be seen as strategic public relations practices:
Preaching âsearchingâ or evangelistic sermons aimed at getting people to acknowledge their sinful condition and turn to God whose Grace alone could save them from eternal damnation.
Conducting services almost daily for weeks and getting guest-speaker evangelists to preach some of their sermons in a series of what could be called rock star cameos.
Involvin...