Decoding the Cultural Stereotypes About Aging

New Perspectives on Aging Talk and Aging Issues

Evelyn M. O'Reilly

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781135664930
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

This collection will present works that offer illuminating perspectives on the remarkably diverse Asian American populations of the United States. As a population that is neither black nor white, the range of experiences of these groups, many of whom arrived as refugees, presents other perspectives on the cultural mosaic that constitutes the United States. Studies of Asian Americans sheds light on issues related to immigration, refugee policy, transnationalism, return migration, cultural citizenship, ethnic communities, community building, identity and group formation, panethnicity, race relations, gender and class, entrepreneurship, employment, representation, politics, adaptation, and acculturation. The writings in this collection are drawn from a wide variety of disciplines to provide a broad and informative array of insights on these fascinating and diverse populations.

I
Introduction

I had just returned from a workshop titled Creative Aging. As I walked to my car, I reflected on the content of the program. Most vivid in my memory were the elderly participants: Mr. J., ninety-two years, who continues to work each day as a hospital volunteer; Mr. M., eighty-seven years, a recent widower who had to leave early to baby-sit for his grandchildren; Mrs. L., ninety years, who spoke about the voluntary committees she works on, as she coyly folded her cane-chair, least anyone notice she needed supportive assistance. The workshop had many interesting presentations, and yet these energetic individuals 'stole the show.'

What was different about these elderly individuals? Was it their enthusiasm or their energy? Were they unique and were their experiences irrelevant to myths about Aging? How can we know a person from the myth? How can we know the elderly from society's version of a category called Aging? To answer these questions, I looked at people talking about age-related matters. The premise of this study is that Aging is a label, a symbol or a set of myths which is part of the conditions of growing old in American Society. One of the main goals is to identify the markers that demarcate the boundaries of aging.

The study looks at aging in the media and other areas, in particular five selected settings in the community. The research addresses the following questions: What are the properties of this myth? When does the myth create tension? How are these tensions expressed?

Because older people are part of society, their behavior mirrors its attitudes and expectations. There are good reasons to say that since the advent of the Industrial Revolution, the aging population has been viewed quite negatively. Some symptoms of this are what many call a youth oriented society. Aging is viewed as unattractive, asexual, unemployable, and helpless. Even older people themselves may have inaccurate views of aging. Common beliefs are that old people are forgetful, dependent, frugal, paranoid, lazy, and so on. I believe these conceptions grossly exaggerate the actual facts, but they are important and must be studied carefully. By studying conceptions, rather than behaviors, this study explores questions not typically addressed by people who study aging. Many previous studies have identified behaviors, and quantified various aspects of the lives of the elderly. There are comparatively few studies of Aging as a cultural construct and this is what I try to remedy here.

In addressing myself to the reader I hope I have elucidated the notion that this research addresses the myth of Aging, not the many pseudo synonyms of aging that may be used throughout the study to refer to chronological age. It was difficult initially to organize this concept, and I hope the distinction is succinctly communicated.

Reasons for the Study

My interest in this study evolved from my professional encounters with clients in the hospital and the community. As a nurse educator who works with students in giving care to aging people, I noticed that many members of the health team talked about these people in ways that did not always appear grounded in direct experience. I discussed this with other health care professionals who concurred with my premise.

When I explored this issue in the community I discovered a similar response. It was apparent to me that references to the elderly were addressed in a categorical manner. However, it became apparent that the labels assigned by nurses, physicians, and other members of the health team are different than those used by the lay community. For example, people in the community talk about the frail elderly, the gray panthers, the senior citizens, the old folks. There is a lot of emphasis placed on discounts for senior citizens, lunch programs, and outings for seniors. Many people qualify for these programs and avail themselves of the advantages.

In comparison, health team members use a biopsychosocial terminology which assumes that aging is a generalized biological deterioration throughout the body. These changes include a decrease in physiological function, that is: breathing, cardio-vascular capacity, bowel and bladder function, muscle strength, cartilage, and bone deterioration. In addition, many cognitive deficiencies are immediately relegated to the aging process, such as disorientation, or the inability to respond to institutional routines.

This raises concerns, as to the aging individual's capacity to adapt to his or her changing internal body conditions. Many physical complaints are glossed over by the physician and attributed to aging. The concern for safety in ambulation raises the questions, can the person live alone? Does she need to live in a nursing home? In many instances the decision is made by the health team. The patient and significant other are orchestrated into believing it is the best solution. I wondered if this reflexive type of approach influenced the patient's response to care, or the care-givers approach vis-a-vis the patient.

Perhaps the following stories will convey a more vivid picture of my thesis. The first story pertains to a 79 year-old woman, hospitalized for Paget's disease (a bone disease). She had fallen at home and sustained minor injuries. Prior to her hospitalization she had lived alone and maintained her own apartment with the assistance of a home health aide. A series of diagnostic tests revealed she had no injuries.

A discharge plan was initiated, and it was decided by the health team that it was not safe for her to live alone. Instead she needed to live in a nursing home. This was communicated to the patient's daughter and the patient, respectively. The patient objected bitterly, exclaiming, "I functioned sufficiently at home prior to my hospitalization, I can take care of myself!" The patient finally negotiated a successful outcome and returned home to her former life-style. Her daughter agreed to act as a support system. I believe this story depicts the sorting of people into categories according to an age-grade pattern.

While I recognize that some people do suffer illnesses of mind and body as a result of their age, individuals do differ. Frequently, people are categorized into age groups without individual assessment of the participant.

According to the literature, the increasing life expectancy of individuals is having a significant effect on aging adults, their families, significant others and the health care system. McCabe, Fulk and Staab report that the "older population is essentially a healthy one; more than half of the people over sixty-five years old are free of functional limitations," (p. 19) and many of this age group live independently in the community. For those who do require assistance, the informal network of family and friends is a viable resource. Consider the following demographic numbers:

In 1995, the population of persons sixty-five years or older numbered 33.5 million. This represents 12.8 percent of the American population or an increase of 2.3 million people since 1990. Conversely, in 1900, there were 3.1 million people over sixty-five. (Administration on Aging: 1996, Aging Into the 21st Century, p. 1-2)

In 1995, the age cohort of people 65-74 years (18.8 million people), this reflects a population that was eight times Greater than 1900. The age cohort of people from 75-84 years (11.1 million people), this reflects a population that was fourteen times Greater than 1900. The age cohort from 85 years and older (3.6 million people), this reflects a population that was twenty-nine times greater than 1900. (Administration on Aging: 1996, A Profile of Older Americans, p. 2)

Life Expectancy

The life expectancy of a male age 65 in 1995 was 15.6 years. The life expectancy of a female age 65 in 1995 was 18.9 years. A child born in 1995 could expect to live 75.8 years. Anticipated growth for the population age 65 or older is:

1995 - 33.5 million people

2010 - 39.4 million people

2030 - 69.0 million people

2050 - 79.0 million people

(Administration on Aging: 1996, Aging Into the 21st Century, p. 1)

Future Growth

The growth of the older population will slow during the 1990's, because of the small number of births during the depression years of the 1930's. The depression era babies are now reaching 65+, hence the decrease in the age cohort 65-74 years. The birth rate increased considerably from 1946-1964 (Baby boon cohorts). Based on Bureau of the Census population statistics released in 1996, we can project a moderate increase in the elderly population until about 2010 and a rapid increase from 2010-2030. See the following numerical projections for the 85 and over cohort:

1995 - 3.6 million people

2010 - 5.7 million people

2030 - 8.5 million people

2050 - 18.2 million people

(Administration on Aging: 1996, Aging Into the 21st Century, p. 1-2)

Nursing Home Residents

Despite the previous demography, only five percent of the population of people over sixty-five years lived in nursing homes in 1990. However, the percentage of admissions increases with age. The dispersion, ranges from one percent for persons sixty-five to seventy-four years to six percent for persons seventy-five to eighty-four years and twenty-four percent for eighty-five years and beyond. (Administration on Aging: 1996, Aging Into the 21st Century, p. 4)

My next story pertains to a 70 year-old male patient, admitted to the hospital for surgery. He did not conform to institutional rules, and was described by hospital personnel as non-compliant and marginally confused. The nurses attributed his behavior to his age and unfamiliar surroundings.

The patient went to the operating room for a surgical procedure. After surgery he was returned to his hospital bed with a dressing on his lumbar region and several tubes to drain secretions. The patient was a retired tailor so he brought scissors, a possession related to his trade, to keep in his nightstand drawer. That evening he attempted to lie on his side, but he was hindered by his post-surgical tubing. To correct the problem, he used his scissors and cut the tubing. His actions created many problems.

I pose the following question: Did the labels contused and noncompliant bestowed on this patient hinder him from receiving an adequate explanation of what to expect after surgery? Did the assumption of impaired cognition impede the nurses and other health-team members from providing him with routine pre-operative teaching? What cues did they overlook, thereby, indirectly contributing to this drastic solution? Was it a problem of social organization? How was the scene arranged for the patient to display incompetence on such an important issue? According to Frake (1980), "The interpretation and treatment of illness is accomplished as a social behavior" (p. 119).

The aforementioned accounts characterize the events that prompted my interest in this study. My research, however, does not relate to the problems the elderly may face. Many earlier studies did (Carp, 1976; Cavan et al, 1949; Cumming & Henry, 1961; Neugarten, et al., 1964). Rather, my interest lies in the organization of talk. What we might call the cultural construction of aging. According to Frake (1980), if we want to find out what people know:

We must get inside our subjects heads. This should not be an impossible feat: Our subjects themselves accomplished it when they learned their culture and became 'native actors.' They had no mysterious avenues of perception not available to us as investigators. (p. 27)

As stated earlier, it became apparent to me that the myths and labels used by members of the health team differed from those that were not part of it. I reflected on how significant this could be. According to Varemie (1986), "Culture is patterned action and as such is found in the practice of everyday life" (p. 34). If one is going to learn about people, one should go out into the many settings in which they conduct their lives. This is the pathway I choose to travel. I went to places to study people dealing with aging in various settings. The following is what I found.

Notes

Frake, C.O. (1980). Language and cultural description. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

McCabe, G.S., Fulk, C.H., & Staab, A.S. (1990). The Older person in the community. In A.Staab & M.Lyles (Eds.), Manual of geriatric nursing. Glenview II: Scott, Foresman & Co.

Varenne, H. (1986). Symbolizing America. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

II
Literature Review and Theoretical Framework

There is nothing to prepare you for the experience of growing old. Living is a process, an irreversible progression toward old age and eventual death. You see men of eighty still vital and straight as oaks; you see men of fifty reduced to gray shadows in the human landscape. The cellular clock differs for each one of us, and is profoundly affected by our own life experiences, our heredity, and perhaps most important, by the concepts of aging encountered in society and in oneself. (Curtin, 1972, p. 113)

Growing old is inevitable! The biological process of aging is the slow but continuous changes that occur between birth and death, that seem to be a feature of human life in all cultures.

Although everyone grows older, the particular ways individuals age and the meanings they attach to the life course are not universal. Also the way the life course is divided including the markers that delineate old age is highly variable. Our own cultural conceptions of age and aging are just that: our own. (Foner, 1984, p. 1)

Riley (1978) explained that the themes of aging may mold "personal plans, hopes and fears," (p. 2) as well as influence the way individuals in different cultures age. In fact they may effect the values associated with life and death.

This thesis reviews several areas of theory. The search included: (a) Literature on aging, which constitutes one area of information; (b) cultures, that is a people's way of living; (c) communication theory, which is what occurs when people interact or gather together in any situation; and (d) finally a glimpse at the social patterns of retirement. I decided to begin with a history of aging....

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• FOREWORD
• PREFACE
• ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
• CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
• CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
• CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY
• CHAPTER IV: AGING IN THE MEDIA AND OTHER PLACES
• CHAPTER V: THE LANGUAGE OF AGING
• CHAPTER VI: DIALOGUE WITH AN 83 YEAR OLD WOMAN
• CHAPTER VII: DIALOGUE WITH A 92 YEAR OLD WOMAN
• CHAPTER VIII: AGING IN AN ADULT COMMUNITY RESIDENCE
• CHAPTER IX: THE DILEMMA OF A NURSING HOME ADMISSION
• CHAPTER X: PATTERNS OF AGING
• CHAPTER XI: EPILOGUE: RECURRING THREADS
• GLOSSARY
• BIBLIOGRAPHY
• INDEX