Conservatism in the Black Community

To the Right and Misunderstood

Angela K. Lewis

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781136282683
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Politics
• Index: Politics & International Relations

Conservatism in the Black Community examines the contemporary meanings of Black Conservatism and its influence on black political behavior, providing a basis for understanding the impact this phenomenon has on black political behavior. Lewis analyzes conservatism within the black ideological framework, while also explaining the meaning of conservatism in the black community.

While scholars have argued that the level of support for conservatism among blacks is minimal because conservatism is antithetical to black interest, there are a cadre of conservative political intellectuals and political elites in America. Do their views influence those of the wider Black population? Or does the media merely amplify their voices but with little support? What part of contemporary Black conservatism has found a home in the Tea Party movement?

Focusing on what conservatism means to Blacks at the grassroots level and in what issue areas Blacks as a whole tend to have more conservative views, this work neither critiques nor praises Black Conservatism. The results of Lewis's mix of quantitative and qualitative methodologies will be of strong interest to students and scholars of Black politics, Black studies, and political behavior more generally.

1 Introduction

During the summer of 2008, then Democratic presidential hopeful Senator Barack Obama (IL) gave a Father’s Day sermon at the Apostolic Church of God in Chicago, where he urged fathers to step up to raise their children. Although Obama spoke of the need for the government to do more to help families, he also stated

Of all the rocks upon which we build our lives, we are reminded today that family is the most important. And we are called to recognize and honor how critical every father is to that foundation. They are teachers and coaches. They are mentors and role models. They are examples of success and the men who constantly push us toward it. But if we are honest with ourselves, we’ll admit that what too many fathers also are is missing—missing from too many lives and too many homes. They have abandoned their responsibilities, acting like boys instead of men. And the foundations of our families are weaker because of it. You and I know how true this is in the African-American community. We know that more than half of all black children live in single-parent households, a number that has doubled—doubled—since we were children. We know the statistics—that children who grow up without a father are five times more likely to live in poverty and commit crime; nine times more likely to drop out of schools and 20 times more likely to end up in prison. They are more likely to have behavioral problems, or run away from home or become teenage parents themselves. And the foundations of our community are weaker because of it.

Traditional family values are at the heart of the conservative tradition in America. But yet, here is a liberal black presidential candidate, Barack Obama, preaching conservative traditional family values. He goes on to state, “We need fathers to realize that responsibility does not end at conception. We need them to realize that what makes you a man is not the ability to have a child. It’s the courage to raise one” (Politico.com 2008). As a candidate, Senator Barack Obama had a progressive agenda; however, this speech is similar to the rhetoric heard from black conservatives. In the same speech, Senator Obama goes on to state, “If we are honest with ourselves, we’ll admit that too many fathers also are missing, missing from too many lives and too many homes” (Politico.com 2008).

An enduring dilemma exists in the study of black politics. That dilemma is conservatism in the black community largely because Smith (2010) argues that conservatism in America as a governing ideology is hostile to Blacks and is incompatible with the black struggle for freedom. Dawson (2001) defines the key components of black conservatism as a “reliance on self-help, an attack on the state as a set of institutions that retard societal progress in general and black progress in particular, and belief in the anti-discriminatory aspects of markets, all in the name of service to the black community” (20). He goes on to state that black conservatives believe that political strategies are second to economic strategies for the black community and any program or policy (i.e., affirmative action) that undermines black talent is unproductive and that Blacks should not receive any special privileges due to past treatment because other groups have suff ered also. In short, black conservatives support capitalism. They also believe that Blacks’ failure in obtaining the American dream is not due to inequality but rather to the pathological behavior on the part of Blacks.

Due to these beliefs, black conservatives such as Ward Connerly, Alan Keyes, Star Parker, and Clarence Thomas cause controversy. Their rhetoric and views on welfare, affirmative action, abortion, racism, and discrimination are alarming to many. Moreover, scholars suggest their positions are not representative of Blacks. These same scholars also argue that these black conservatives have minimal support within the black community. In short, they are individuals who are co-opted by the Right to provide an alternative voice to black liberalism.

Since the advent of the Reagan revolution, political pundits and scholars alike are perplexed by black conservatives and the existence of conservatism in the black community. The complexity of contemporary conservatism in the black community is that as an electoral group, they provide overwhelming support to the Democratic Party, which equates to support for liberal policies (Meyerson 1984; Tryman 1986; Welch and Foster 1987; Bolce et al. 1992; Dawson 1994; Goode 1996; Simpson 1998). In short, conservatism in the black community is not deducible to Republican partisanship and vote choice in most national elections. Considering the historical evidence of black ties to liberalism which is played out through their support for the Democratic Party, do Blacks in the community support conservatism either as communicated by black conservatives in the media or by mainstream white conservatives? Or do Blacks in the community exhibit a diff erent kind of conservatism? Ultimately, the question this book addresses is, despite support for the Democratic Party and its liberal policies, What does conservatism in the black community mean?

Black Conservatism?

Notwithstanding the fact that Dawson (2001) firmly establishes black conservatism as a part of the black ideological tradition, many argue that the level of support for conservatism among Blacks is minimal because conservatism is antithetical to black interest. In fact, many scholars ask what Blacks are conserving in America especially considering the gross disparities between Blacks and Whites in this country and the permanence of racial inequality (Ondaatje 2010 and Smith 2010). Many believe that there is little conservatism in the black community and that the media amplifies the views of a “minute cadre of political intellectuals and political elites” who gained high government positions as a result of their conservative views (Bracey 2008; Smith 2010; Taylor 2011). This amplification by the media makes it appear that black conservatism is more common than it really is. They conclude that black conservatism is not a movement but an exaggeration of a cadre of individuals who have been strategically placed in the public eye by think tanks, universities, and the Right, consisting solely of journalists, politicians, or academicians who are given more opportunities by the media, the government, corporations, and research organizations to have their views heard (Kilsin 1993; Bracey 2008). This cadre consists of two groups of individuals whose ultimate objective is getting paid (Reed 1997). One group consists of individuals who identify as conservative or take conservative public policy positions and simply espouse their views through various media sources. The other group consists of activists, who are conservative, take conservative public policy positions, but also actively seek to influence public policy by seeking either elected or appointed government office or by running nonprofit organizations. Whether they are activists or merely individuals who espouse their views, the media serves as a conduit for these black conservatives (Randolph 1995), whose audience is whoever is listening. So, do the views of black conservatives in the public eye influence the views of the black community? In other words, have the views of the black conservative cadre permeated the black community?

Major black public opinion organizations argue that a gulf exists between black conservatives and the black community. The Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies find that Blacks reject a major belief of black conservatives, limited government involvement in social policy (Gaiter 1991). Even as scholars document a conservative trend in the electorate, Blacks often feel that supporting this trend along with their white counterparts is inimical to their interests (Tryman 1986). Smith and Seltzer (1992) also find that Blacks are more liberal than whites in ideological identification and on many policy issues. Consequently, the cadre of black conservatives are unable to convince most Blacks that political conservatism is advantageous. Black conservatives who choose to politically act on their views by running for office as Republicans also tend to lack electoral support from Blacks. Black voters reject successful black conservative candidates at the polls; instead they get their support from majority-white districts, not from Blacks (Dawson 2001; Dillard 2001; Mwakikagile 2004; Fauntroy, 2007). In fact, in the 2006 election, Bositis (2006) concludes that Blacks did not shift toward Republicans. In short, the black vote, including the presidential vote, is solidly Democrat (Bositis 2004, 2008, 2010).

Studies also find that conservatism does not have grassroots support among Blacks (Dawson 2001) and it is the least popular ideology in the black ideological tradition (Harris-Lacewell 2004). Taylor (2011) concludes that although Blacks are socially conservative, as a group, they have not mobilized in support of socially conservative policies, nor do Blacks embrace the operational meaning of conservative. Jennings (2002) concludes that the claim made by Faryna et al. (1997) of an increasing number of black conservatives in the community is false. He concludes, “The claim of burgeoning numbers and social influence is not discussed further in the anthology” (226). Mwakikagile (2004) finds further evidence of the lack of black support for conservatism. He concludes that black conservative publications have not gained wide readership in the black community, which is why Headway, formerly National Minority Politics, ceased publication. In a composite study of conservatism, Walton (2002) finds that the proportion of self-identified conservatism among Blacks has not changed much between 1972 and 1992. Instead, he argues that the Republican Party’s strategy is to manipulate black public opinion and give the illusion that there is a conservative movement among Blacks. An important part of this tactical strategy is for black conservatives to saturate the news media, television, print, and radio. They are particularly skilled at utilizing print media through op-ed pieces in newspapers and by writing books that are factually distorted (Hall 2008). Their ultimate objective is to publish research which supports the conservative agenda and to give visibility to black conservatives. For example, the Reagan administration placed several black conservatives in high positions: Clarence Thomas, Thomas Sowell, and Walter Williams. No matter the perceived success of the strategy, Walton (2002) concludes that it is a failure; the views of black conservatives have not permeated black public opinion. For example, Blacks rate Republican candidates less favorably than they rate Democratic candidates. Moreover, Republicans continue to solidify the gulf between themselves and most of the black community. For example, former President George W. Bush’s handling of race-related issues sealed the deal between Blacks and Republicans as a tempestuous relationship at best. First, the Bush administration filed a brief in support of the plaintiff against affirmative action in the 2003 Gratz v. Bollinger case. Secondly, George W. Bush’s lack of a quick response which left millions of Blacks stranded without food and shelter during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina prompted famous rapper Kanye West to accuse him of not liking black people. Fnally, his appointment of several conservative judges to the bench drastically reduced the possibility of black support for Republicans. Bush’s appointment of Samuel Alito, who is a staunch conservative who has a record of opposition to affirmative action, further alienates Blacks from the Republican Party. Even more alarming to many was a statement made by the 2012 Republican nominee for president Mitt Romney that he did not have to worry about nearly half of Americans who would vote for President Barack Obama. Romney went on to state that this group of Americans perceived themselves as victims who were dependent on the government. This comment sparked negative reactions among voters both black and white, but Romney later admitted he was wrong for making the statement. Thus, the Republican strategy of utilizing black conservatives has not reshaped black public opinion toward conservatism, and whites are still more likely than Blacks to say they are conservative (Mitchell 2000). In short, a majority of Blacks see black conservatives as race traitors who do nothing to help the black community.

Race traitor and conservatism go hand in hand due to the idea of linked fate or the notion of a black identity or black consciousness. This black identity could explain why political conservatism among Blacks has a negative connotation. Linked fate posits that Blacks have similar experiences and their fate is tied to the fate of other Blacks. Dawson (1994) concludes that regardless of socioeconomic position, Blacks utilize this linked fate as a proxy for voting behavior. Linked fate implies that any variation that may exist in black political attitudes is meaningless because of the similarity of the black experience. As such, race continues its saliency in U.S. politics. Therefore, if linked fate is the driving factor behind black political behavior and black political attitudes, any attempt to explain, study, or discuss diff erences in black political attitudes to some scholars is futile. Thus the study of black conservatism is unwarranted.

Conservatism as a Black Political Ideology

Linked fate or a feeling of closeness to Blacks provides a possible explanation as to why Blacks who have conservative social views continue to vote Democrat. It suggests that because of the unique and shared history of being black in America and the fact that Blacks have a collective fate, Blacks utilize the group as a proxy for their voting behavior. Both Smith and Seltzer (1992) and Dawson (1994) provide possible explanations as to why Blacks continue to vote Democrat.¹ They both discuss the economic liberalism of the black community, which the Democratic Party strongly advances. Despite linked fate and the fact that Blacks vote Democrat, scholars should expect more diversity of opinion (Simpson 1998). Simpson (1998) expands and challenges the stability and consistency of group identity by studying the importance of race to the post–civil rights generation. She concludes that the strength of group consciousness as a variable to explain political attitudes weakens considerably among young black adults. Her work demonstrates how Blacks can and do have diff erent opinions although race continues its importance. Furthermore, Cohen (2010) finds that black youth are more socially conservative than youth in general on same-sex marriage, premarital sex, and abortion. She goes on further and concludes that black youth are skeptical as to whether America is now “post-racial.” Thus, Cohen (2010) identifies black youth who are conservative yet at the same time understand the significance and continued salience of race in America.

There is no reason to expect all Blacks to have the same views. Historically, diff erent leaders utilize diff erent strategies and approaches. Obvious examples include Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Dubois as well as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X. Scholars should not expect the present to be an exception. It is a valuable exercise to analyze and understand the phenomenon of black conservatism within the black ideological tradition. There is also hearty debate over the mere existence and significance of the support for conservatism in the black community. As the general tide of the country moved towards conservatism (Robinson 1984; Robinson and Fleishman 1984; Knight and Erikson 1997; Mitchell 2000), Blacks have not been far behind. It was during the Reagan administration that the Republican Party recouped its eff orts to recruit Blacks to the party. Despite these eff orts by the conservative right, until recently, scholars and political commentators suggest that conservatives are a homogenous group consisting mostly of white faces, and the possibility of Blacks supporting this group was dim. Dillard (2001), however, notes that conservatism is becoming a multicultural aff air, which includes Blacks, Latinos, and homosexuals. Faryna et al. (1997) states, “Social, political, religious, and economic conservatism is a point of view eagerly embraced and aggressively defended by many African Americans today” (xiii) and there are a number of prominent black conservatives. For example, Clarence Thomas, Supreme Court justice; Thomas Sowell, economist; Star Parker, commentator and policy expert; and Anne Wortham, sociologist, are all conservatives who are quite successful in spreading their views (Jones 1987; Toler 1993; Randolph 1995). Dawson (1994) even suggests that a growing black middle class would lend support for a black conservative group. In short, black conservative Star Parker (1997) argues that “There are an overwhelming number of black conservatives in this country, but many are still in the closet” (201).

Analyses of national survey data substantiate the claim that there are black conservatives in the community. Both Lewis (2001) and Tate (1993) document an increase in the percentage of self-identified conservatives. In addition, Simpson (1998) finds that members of the integration generation, the post–civil rights generation, espouse conservative beliefs. Bositis (2004) finds that 25 percent of young Blacks self-identify as conservative and 31 percent as moderates. The same study finds that 66 percent support school vouchers. Additional research finds that Blacks “support prayer in schools, business incentives, tougher sentencing for criminals, school vouchers, smaller government, welfare reform, and lower taxes” (Reiland 1996, 9)—all beliefs espoused or similar to those of conservatives.

The Republican Party is today’s party of conservatism, yet despite support for some conservative policies Blacks seem unwilling to support the Republican Party. Republicans do however make eff orts to understand why they do not have black support. This was especially important during the Reagan administration when the party actively pursued black conservatives by hiring a black public-relations firm to court this group. They off ered this new group immediate access to funding and leadership positions within the party. The party also named several Blacks to top governmental positions. The main objective of this new group of leaders was to attack current black leadership and create a voice of dissent among Blacks. This new Republican strategy was to utilize the arguments of those such as Booker T. Washington, making the case that the opinions of the black liberal establishment were wrong and that Blacks should instead rely on themselves as opposed to the government for social advancement. This led to the Black Alternatives Conference held at the Fairmont Hotel in San Francisco in 1980, where the cadre of black conservatives gathered to discuss alternatives to the black liberal establishment. Evidence of the success of this new strategy by Republicans after the Reagan administration includes the fact that a growing number of Blacks are open to supporting the Republican Party. For example, in several state elections in California and New Jersey, Republicans garnered well over 25 percent of the black vote in 1994 (Reiland 1996). The 2000 federal elections also saw 24 black Republican nominees for Congress and three Republicans that ran for statewide office with only one victorious (Bositis 2004). Three Republicans received over 20 percent of black votes in their reelection campaigns: Mike DeWine (OH) received 23 percent, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (TN) received 21 percent, and Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison (TX) received 22 percent of the black vote in 2000 (Bositis 2004). By the 2006 election, Republican Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison (TX), along with Republican Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger (CA), both garnered 26 percent of the black vote (Bositis 2006). More recent evidence of a change in the policy attitudes and electoral behavior of Blacks is that the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies released a report in October 2004 which found that black support for George W. Bush doubled from 9 percent in 2000 to 18 percent in 2004. The same report also found gains in Republican partisanship among younger Blacks; between one and two-thirds are sympathetic to Republican positions. Lastly, in 2004 there were over 60 black Republicans in state and local government offices. Most notable black Republicans who have held state office include J. Kenneth Blackwell, former secretary of state of Ohio; former lieutenant governors of Maryland and Ohio Michael Steele and Jeanette Bradley; and Michael Williams, chair of the Texas Railroad Commission. In 2008, there were nine black Republicans running for federal office, all of whom lost, averaging 19 percent of the vote (Bositis 2008).Less than three months after the nation elected its first black president, the Republican Party chose Michael Steele as its first black chair. Shortly after his term began, he was in battle with Rush Limbaugh as to who was the leader of the Republican Party. Steele apologized for referring to Limbaugh as just an entertainer and caused party insiders to question his ability to strategize and lead the party to victory. Although Steele did not resign, he lost his bid to keep the chairmanship in 2011. Despite Steele’s problems, even in the polarizing 2010 midterm elections, 6 percent of black women and 14 percent of...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• List of Figures
• List of Tables
• Acknowledgments
• 1. Introduction
• 2. Conservatism in America
• 3. Black Conservatism
• 4. Community Support for Conservatism
• 5. Permanent Interest: Politics of the 21st Century
• Appendix A
• Appendix B
• Notes
• References
• Index