The novels of Toni Morrison have inspired volumes of literary criticism over the last three decades. The critical approaches to her novels include feminist, Marxist, deconstructionist, Lacanian, New Historicist, and semiotic analyses, and everything in between. Despite this wide range of criticism, these approaches can be divided into two central branches, those which argue how Morrison is apart from the broad tradition of American literature and those which argue she is a part of this tradition. Not surprisingly, these two branches are related to the central debate that divides schools of thought on African-American literature in general: politics versus aesthetics. The âpoliticalâ and âaestheticâ critics both identify a similar âproblemâ in Morrison's work: the lack of resolution in her novels.
This monograph addresses the problem of resolution that both branches of Morrison critics find in her novels: the discontent on both sides of the debate on Morrison's narrative strategies led me to investigate the relationship between genre and race in her novels. In this project, I analyze how Morrison's narrative strategies in The Bluest Eye, Tar Baby, Jazz, and Beloved revise conventional genres to interrupt the dominant cultural logics about race and literature of which they are comprised.
Morrison's novels enter the literary scene at the end of a long discourse on African-American literature that is still prevalent today. The âpoliticalâ school of thought on the African-American novel can be traced back to W. E. B. Du Boisâ 1926 essay, âThe Criteria of Negro Art,â in which he argues that aesthetics only have value if they further a political cause. That same year Langston Hughes, in âThe Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain,â makes a similar argument, insisting that racial authenticity should be privileged over aesthetics. In 1937, Richard Wright, in âBlueprint for Negro Writing,â extends this argument to include the forms of African-American discourse (as is implied in the title of his essay). The Black Aesthetic movement of the 1960s and early 1970s was a continuation of this argument, in which critics, like Addison Gayle in The Black Aesthetic, argue aesthetics should be subsumed beneath politics (Connor xvii).
The Black Aesthetic movement and its predecessors comprise an important contribution to literary studies. In The Aesthetics of Toni Morrison Marc C. Connor points out that the Black Aesthetic movement âsought to call the hegemony of the western aesthetic tradition into question,â including its values and cultural logics (xvii). In these ways, the Black Aesthetic critics are the forerunners of contemporary Marxist, Cultural Studies, and Postcolonial critics.
The successors to the Black Aesthetic movement are those who question the appropriateness of contemporary western critical methodologies applied to African-American literature, of which Morrison's novels are an important part. Indeed, given the assumptions of these schools of thought, the question remains whether poststructuralist literary theories and critical methodologies are not themselves another form of oppression. One such critic of Morrison's work is Barbara Rigney, who prefers to use French feminist theory to ground her analysis because she understands these theories as âlargely outside the myth of American homogeneityâ and âfreer than most American theorists of the thumbprint of patriarchal discourseâ (3). Futhermore, Rigney defines blackness in Morrison's work as a dissidence that embraces a state of female consciousness as well as racial identity and that lies beyond the laws of patriarchy (3). In The Voices of Toni Morrison, Rigney argues how Morrison emphasizes âcultural otherness, for she guides her reader through metaphoric jungles, through representations of the conjure world, and through images of an Africa of the mind that is repressed but never totally lost or forgotten, a part of the unconscious which surfaces in racial memory, particularly for African American[s]â (3). Rigney's separation of her critical apparatus (as much as possible) from the traditional western mode of criticism shows how some scholarship is still informed by the values and assumptions of the Black Aesthetic movement.
As powerful as the Black Aesthetic was (and still is), it did not account for all African-American novels, novelists, or critics of the twentieth century. There were several artists who dared to privilege aesthetics over politics, or at least did not define aesthetics as subject to politics in their work. For example, Zora Neale Hurston's 1928 essay âHow It Feels to Be Colored Me,â in which she argues that race is neither a restraint nor a burden to the artist, and Ralph Ellison's response to Richard Wright's theories, in which he argues that the novel does not necessarily have to be political or a form of social protest, are both examples of how novelists defended their alternative literary theories and modes of representation. For both Hurston and Wright, the price of their dissent was extreme public backlash, which led to critical dialectics about the definition of African-American literature: Hurston vs. Hughes, Ellison vs. Wright. It was not until the 1980s, after Robert B. Stepto published From Behind the Veil and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. started to publish his prolific work on black writing, that studies of the aesthetics of African-American literature, as well as its political power, started to gain ground in criticism. For example, in Black Literature and Literary Theory, Henry Louis Gates, Jr. questions the predominance of sociological approaches to black literature, arguing for the literary text as a ârhetorical structureâ with its own âcomplex set of rulesâ that demands wider critical paradigms (5). Though Stepto and Gates faced their share of criticism, their literary theories have become part of the critical canon of discourse on African-American literature and have helped recover those writers, like Hurston, who were once shunned by the Black Aesthetic critics.
In addition to these branches of criticism of the African-American novel that represent contemporary approaches to her work, Morrison herself has spoken a great deal about her own writing, especially in response to the âaesthetics vs. politicsâ debate. A simple summary of Morrison's response to this debate is that she resists taking sides, and insists rather on âboth/ and.â For example, when asked about whether the primary role of the novel is to illuminate social reality or to stretch our imagination, Morrison responds, âIt really is about stretching. But in a way that you have to bear witness to what isâ (qtd. in Moyers 273). However, Morrison clearly seems be against the kinds of constraints Hughes and Wright advocated: âNo one should tell any writer what to write. [ ⌠] I thought one of the goals of the whole business of liberation was to make it possible for us not to be silenced, no matter what we saidâ (qtd. in Washington 237). Nevertheless, Morrison insists on the interrelatedness of aesthetics and politics in literature: âI don't believe any real artists have ever been non-political. They may have been insensitive to this particular plight or insensitive to that, but they were political because that's what an artist isâa politicianâ (qtd. in âConversationâ 4). In interview after interview throughout her career, Morrison is continually prodded about her stance in this âaesthetics vs. politicsâ debate, but she never privileges one side over the other.
Both political and aesthetic critics identify their respective causes as issues central to the study of Morrison's novels. Though their understanding of Morrison's work may differ, both sets of critics note âthe lack of resolutionâ as a âproblemâ in Morrison's novels. For example, successors to the Black Aesthetic movement often fault Morrison with the omission of a clear political message; while it is clear to them her thematic content is always related to race, they do not understand why she is not more explicit about her political views on race, in other words, why she does not write more ârepresentatively.â For example, Sandra Pouchet Paquet, in âThe Ancestor as Foundation in Their Eyes Were Watching God and Tar Baby,â complains that Morrison does not offer a âformula for cultural stabilityâ (204). Similarly, Doreatha Drummond Mbalia, in âTar Baby: A Reflection of Morrison's Developed Class Consciousness,â first praises Morrison for representing the âschism that exists in the African community, the class conflict that African people must resolve in order to form an effective, unified force against their primary enemy, capitalism/imperialism,â and then condemns her for not defining an âalternative existence for African peopleâ (90, 91). These critics understand providing this âresolutionâ as a political and social responsibility of the author, and therefore find fault with Morrison for not providing it in her novels.
The âaestheticâ critics cite the same problemâthe lack of resolutionâ with Morrison's novels, but from a formalist point of view. They often have difficulties reconciling the way Morrison rewrites conventions in her novels. To these critics, the problem is not the lack of a political message, but the lack of a coherent narrator, conventional characters, or a resolution of the plot. For example, Barbara Williams Lewis, in âThe Function of Jazz in Toni Morrison's Jazz,â cites this as âa flaw in Morrison's writingsâ and is suspicious âthat Toni Morrison, with all her great talent, simply does not know how to bring closure to her narrativesâ (272). Indeed, whether one considers when Milkman flies into the air at the end of Song of Solomon, when Son returns to the briar patch âlickety-splitâ at the end of Tar Baby, when Pecola is left talking and twitching on the garbage heap of her community in The Bluest Eye, or when the novel Jazz directly addresses its readers, Morrison's conclusions to her novels seem to resist conventional types of âresolution.â Though aesthetic critics praise Morrison, they are constantly frustrated by how her novels break with the conventions of narration, characterization, and conclusion of novels.
This book-length study addresses the problem of âresolution,â whether defined as resolving political problems in narrative or meeting the conventional expectations of readers, which all of Morrison's critics find in her novels. To answer these critics, I analyze the relationship between genre and race, and demonstrate how Morrison's narrative strategies in The Bluest Eye, Tar Baby, Jazz, and Beloved revise conventional genres to interrupt the dominant cultural logics about race and the literature of which they are comprised.
Far from being faults with Morrison's literary abilities, these narrative strategies are intentional. For example, in âUnspeakable Things Unspoken,â Morrison discusses how the beginnings of her novels, down to the very first line, are carefully crafted (202). Moreover, in interviews, she reveals that her writing process actually begins with her idea of a conclusion (Naylor 206â207). The reasons for these conscious revisions (or Morrison's resistance to resolution), then, are significant. Though a few critics state Morrison uses and revises forms, none as yet show how or why. For example, Justine Tally, in The Story of Jazz writes:
Toni Morrison chooses a different popular genre on which to base each successive novel, only to subvert some of the specific genre's major premises. [ ⌠] Her first novel, The Bluest Eye (1970), takes its cue from the memoire; Sula (1973) from the fairy tale; Song of Solomon (1977) from the romance quest; Tar Baby (1981) from the fugitive story; Beloved (1987) from the ghost story; and Paradise (1998) from the western. (Tally 31)
Though I disagree with the genres Tally identifies with each novel, I also recognize Morrison's complex texts are not reducible to a single genre. However, to analyze how Morrison revises conventional genres to interrupt the dominant cultural logics about race and the literature of which they are comprised, the most logical choices are the ones suggested by the subject matter. For example, because The Bluest Eye is primarily about girls growing up, the most logical genre which to analyze in relationship to the novel is the bildungsroman, rather than the memoire.
In the tradition of the American novel, the relationship between genre and race has been largely determined by the dominant culture. By rejecting and revising conventions, especially to account for race, Morrison rewrites the genres in American literature. By resisting âresolution,â Morrison also rewrites the role of ânarrative truthâ; rather than a political message inherent in the text or an interpretable message dependent on conventions, the âtruthâ of Morrison's novels is left in the reader's hands. Because language, as Morrison points out in her Nobel lecture, is âan act with consequences,â it is important to define how âdominant culture,â ârace,â âgenre,â and ânarrative truthâ are used in this project before reading the detailed analyses of Morrison's novels.
My understanding of culture is influenced by Marxist and postcolonial theory, hence my use of the term âdominant cultureâ throughout this project. Edward Said, in Culture and Imperialism, identifies this trend in national cultures as âan aspiration to sovereignty, to sway, and to dominanceâ (15). It is this same function of culture that Raymond Williams in Marxism and Literature defines as a result of hegemony in and of cultural ideologies. According to Williams, hegemony is the culture's âinsistence on relating the âwhole social processâ to specific distributions of power and influence,â which he terms ideology (108). Ideology is not just a set of ideas and beliefs, but a âlived social process as practically organized by specific and dominant meanings and valuesâ (109). This is the process out of which hegemony and its resulting dominant and subordinate cultures are developed. Williams explains:
Hegemony is then not only the articulate upper level of âideologyâ, nor are its forms of control only those ordinarily seen as âmanipulationâ or âindoctrinationâ. It is a whole body of practices and expectations, over the whole of living: our senses and assignments of energy, our shaping perceptions of ourselves and our world. It is a lived system of meanings and valuesâconstitutive and constitutingâwhich as they are experienced as practices appear as reciprocally confirming. It thus constitutes a sense of reality for most people in the society, a sense of absolute because experienced reality beyond which it is very difficult for most members of the society to move, in most areas of their lives. It is, that is to say, in the strongest sense a âcultureâ, but a culture which also has to be seen as the lived dominance and subordination of particular classes. (110)
While the subordinate culture has âthis ideology imposed on its otherwise different consciousness, which it must struggle to sustain or develop against âruling-class ideologyâ,â a dominant culture ââhasâ this ideology in relatively pure and simple formsâ (109). Therefore, when the term âdominant cultureâ is used throughout this project, it stands for the cultural construction of the conventions of a lived system of meanings and values that are supposed to represent reality, and in their representation of reality reconfirm this system of meanings and values.
The dominant culture's conventions, however, are particularly problematic for writers and readers who are not members of the dominant culture. Narratives of differenceâbe it of race, gender, or religionâoften break with the conventions of the dominant culture, sometimes for the very purpose of demonstrating the biases of the conventions. As one can understand from the debate in African-American literature in the last century described in this chapter, one of the major shifts in literary criticism has been to focus on the relationship between hegemony and western critical methodologies. For example, in Playing in the Dark, Morrison wonders
whether the major and championed characteristics of our national literatureâindividualism, masculinity, social engagement versus historical isolation; acute and ambiguous moral problematics; the thematics of innocence coupled with an obsession with figurations of death and hellâare not in fact responses to a dark, abiding, signing Africanist presence. (5)
The thematic and formal hegemony of these characteristics is precisely what Fredric Jameson and Mikhail Bakhtin identify in their critical texts on narrative theory. In The Political Unconscious, Fredric Jameson defines ideology in terms of a narrative model. Jameson understands art as an ideological form of consciousness because of its power of allusion: a novel, or any symbolic act, produces its social context even as it reacts against it, and thus it provides a textual avenue toward the recovery of history (79). In The Dialogic Imagination Mikhail Bakhtin comments on this process of recovering history through the dialogic and heteroglossic form of the novel:
even in those eras where the hegemony has long since been displacedâin the already historical epochs of language consciousnessâa mythological feeling for the authority of language and a faith in the unmediated transformation into a seamless unity of the entire sense, the entire expressiveness inherent in that authority, are still powerful enough in all higher ideological genres to exclude the possibility of any artistic use of linguistic speech diversity in the major literary forms. The resistance of a unitary, canonic language, of a national myth bolstered by a yetunshaken unity, is still too strong for heteroglossia to relativize and decenter literary and language consciousness. The verbal-ideological decentering will occur only when a national culture loses its sealed-off and self-sufficient character, when it becomes conscious of itself as only one among other cultures and languages. (370)
Bakhtin's comments on the limits of the novel to counter hegemony are significant to understanding how Morrison's novels revise genres in this study, and again, closely relate to the polemic of African-American literary theory. On the one hand, the canon of American literature and its conventions puts writers in a difficult position; one has to be literate in those conventions order to break them. On the other, writing effectively for a political purpose demands an audience literate in âreadingâ those conventions, which in turn often requires writers to employ conventions as a way of leading a reader through the narrative. So, while the assumption of this project is that formalism and ideology are linked in narrative, Morrison's novels ...