NOTES
INTRODUCTION
1. Malek, The Home That Was Our Country, 189.
2. See Rogan, âMadness and Marginalityâ; Fahmy, âWomen, Medicine, and Power in Nineteenth-Century Egypt,â 35â72; and Mayers, âA Century of Psychiatry.â
3. See Drieskens, Living with Djinns; El-Zein, Islam, Arabs, and the Intelligent World of the Jinn; and Awn, Satanâs Tragedy and Redemption.
4. Rothenberg, Spirits of Palestine, 42â46. In this section âPossessed or Mentally Ill?â Rothenberg cites Esther Hechtâs July 26, 1996, Jerusalem Post article, âTherapy for Society,â that states Dr. Sarraj believed political conflict negatively affected peopleâs mental health. Most of his patients went to vernacular healers before seeing him, and he dismissed vernacular treatment as misguided and detrimental. Hecht notes that in certain instances, however, the GCMHP âtries to enlist the help of traditional healers and religious leadersâ when working to assist survivors of torture, domestic violence, and drug abuse. Hecht notes that between 1990 and 1996 the center in Gaza treated more than 8,000 individuals and families, though nearly all patients sought out vernacular treatment first.
5. Heaton, Black Skin, White Coats, 198.
6. Reverby, âInclusion and Exclusion,â 110.
7. Epstein, Inclusion; and Epstein quoted in Reverby, âInclusion and Exclusion,â 112â13.
8. Mahone and Vaughanâs 2007 edited volume Psychiatry and Empire includes numerous case studies in Africa, the Middle East, and beyond that critique simplistic arguments of colonial psychiatric institutions as coercive spaces for social control.
9. I thank Ahmed Ragab for helping me consider these ideas in email correspondence, April 2011.
10. See Cooper, Colonialism in Question; Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe; and Mitchell, Questions of Modernity.
11. Deeb, in An Enchanted Modern, 122, points to âvehement debatesâ on the validity of jinn, evil eye, and vernacular cures, and their dissonance with âauthenticated Islamâ and âtext-basedâ forms of religion. See also Grehan, Twilight of the Saints, esp. chap. 5, âHaunted Landscapes.â
12. Schayegh, â âA Sound Mind Lives in a Healthy Body,â â 182. On âantidote to backwardness,â see Scott, Seeing like a State, 331, where he notes âa certain understanding of science, modernity, and development has so successfully structured the dominant discourse that all other kinds of knowledge are regarded as backward, static traditions, as old wivesâ tales and superstitions. High modernism has needed this âother,â this dark twin, in order to rhetorically present itself as the antidote to backwardness.â
13. Cleveland and Bunton, A History of the Modern Middle East, esp. 187â89: âThis dualism had a divisive effect on society as a whole. There had . . . always been a wide gap between educated officials and the population at large. But as the educated officials came increasingly from Westernized schools, the gap widened. . . . As the nineteenth-century transformation brought certain advantages to Egyptian and Ottoman society, it also brought economic hardship, social disruption, and political exploitation.â See also Makdisi, âOttoman Orientalismâ; Deringil, â âThey Live in a State of Nomadism and Savageryâ â; and Moaddel, âThe Study of Islamic Culture and Politics,â esp. 372â74, on âcultural dualityâ and âstate cultureâ theories.
14. See Hakim and Jude, âLes Troubles Mentaux les Plus GĂ©nĂ©ralement ObservĂ©s Ă Damasâ; Al-MÄlikÄ« et al., âBaáž„ath IjtimÄÊżÄ« áž„awl Mustashfa Ibn SÄ«nÄ wal-AmrÄáž al-ÊżAqliyyaâ; John Racy, âPsychiatry in the Arab Eastâ; and Khalaf, âDe lâAssistance Psychiatrique en Syrie.â
15. Jenner and Wallis, Medicine and the Market, chap. 1, âThe Medical Marketplace.â
16. Khalaf, âDe lâAssistance Psychiatrique en Syrie,â 39â41. The World Intellectual Property Organization holdings of the Syrian Penal Code (law number 148, from 1949) and Syrian Civil Code (Decree Number 84 of May 18, 1949) show similar language, as in Article 230 of the Penal Code, âyuÊżfi min al ÊżiqÄb man kÄn fÄ« hÄlat junĆ«n.â Individuals who attempted suicide were (in theory at least) to be hospitalized rather than imprisoned. Hereafter reports from the Lebanon Hospital for Nervous and Mental Disorders at Asfuriyeh (frequently referred to in the reports simply as âAsfuriyehâ) are identified as LH Annual Report. LH Annual Report 33 (1931â1932), 17, shows some patients who attempted suicide were then sent to the hospital. The Lebanese government hospitalized some people with pending criminal charges to ascertain mental competence prior to deliberating on cases, LH Annual Report 27 (1925â1926), 1. LH Annual Report 38 (1936), 22, notes that âall those referred to as not insane in the statistics [for the year 1936] have been criminal cases awaiting trial or prisoners serving sentences. This testifies to the fact that people are not brought to hospital unnecessarily.â Ibn Sina Hospital also received patients directly from prisons; file templates list prison as one of three locations (home, prison, or temporary shelter) from which patients were usually brought.
17. Scalenghe, âBeing Different,â 259.
18. MAE Nantes, SyrieâLiban 1er versement cote 2018 (1941â1942) 858/SP, October 12, 1942, letter from Philippe David, delegation auprĂšs de la Republique Libanaise. The note spells Sulhâs surname as Solh.
19. Mahone, âThe Psychology of Rebellionâ; ÊżAbd al-ÊżÄáči, áčąuhufÄ« fÄ« SarÄyat al-MajÄnÄ«n, esp. 35â42, where ÊżAbd al-ÊżAáči describes the âmedical detentionâ (maÊżtaqal áčibbi) of a patient (case 1998) who spent more than twenty-five years in Khanka Mental Hospital (March 6, 1949, to June 9, 1974). He was hospitalized as paranoid after anti-monarchy activities in the 1940s, and after a five-year battle in court petitioning for release he won his case and discharge.
20. Heaton, in Black Skin, White Coats, 194â95, writes, âThe new cross-cultural psychiatry . . . created a space within psychiatric discourse to talk about the ways that disease and illness categories were themselves socially and politically constructed and that, as a result, these categories were likely to be distinctly different as social and political circumstances changed across space and over time.â
21. On the opening, see the letter from Theophilus Waldmeier to the Lebanon Hospital secretary, August 13, 1900, reprinted in LH Annual Report 2 (1898â1900), 18â19. On the closing, see the Lebanon Hospital description in the SOAS Archives Catalogue, http://archives.soas.ac.uk.
22. LH Annual Report 10 (1908), 26â27.
23. Al-Atassi, âWÄqiÊż al-siáž„áž„a al-ÊżaqlÄ«yya fÄ« sĆ«rÄ«ya,â 74â102, based on a lecture to medical students, likely in the late 1950s or early 1960s.
24. See Gelman, Medicating Schizophrenia, esp. 1â20, on âmedication and progress.â
25. Abo-Hilal and Hoogstad, âSyrian Mental Health Professionals,â 92.
26. Brewer, âComing Out Mad, Coming Out Disabled,â 11.
27. See the February 2019 roundtable in the International Journal of Middle East Studies on disability studies and Middle Eastern studies, facilitated by Sara Scalenghe.
28. Jenner and Taithe, âThe Historiographical Body,â 187â200.
29. Kleinman, Writing at the Margin. See also Fraser, Cognitive Disability Aesthetics.
30. Donaldson, Literatures of Madness, 3â4, refers to PhebeAnn Wolframe, âGoing Barefoot: Mad Affiliation, Identity Politics, and Eros,â in the same volume, 31â50, where âmad people undermine the fixing of madness as identity, instead carefully nego...