The framework
Into the early part of the twentieth century, explanations of human behavior were still based on so-called instincts. Whenever actions and behaviors flowed from our self, names were tagged onto the acts. In fact, the list of instincts grew to well over a hundred of these inner drives stimulating human actions. One was even termed âmiscellaneous.â Perhaps it was the length of the list, and the continuing process of adding newer instincts that the theory discredited itself as an explanation of human behavior. Into this void, a more plausible approach to understanding human action and self-awareness grew from the Chicago school of social psychology of symbolic interaction.
In an outstanding historical summary on symbolic interaction theory, Prus (1996, pp. 10, 129) points out that two developers and founders are most significant: George Herbert Mead and Herbert Blumer, who represent the Chicago School. âSymbolic interaction may be envisioned as the study of the ways in which people make sense of their life-situations and the ways in which they go about their activities, in conjunction with others, on a day-to day basis.â It is cognizant of human interaction in daily relationships or exchanges taking an ethnographic perspective. George Herbert Mead is considered the father of âsymbolic interactionism,â following a series of lectures in social psychology he gave at the University of Chicago. Upon Meadâs death in 1931, Herbert Blumer continued the lecture series and actually coined the phrase âsymbolic interactionism.â Nevertheless, the âter m at least has the virtue of accurately reflecting the central significance of language in the social psychology of Meadâ (Farr, 1996, p. 123).
For Mead, the communication act and symbolic exchange is the basic unit of human interaction and behavioral representation. Stryker (1997, p. 316) also summarizes the thinking of George Herbert Mead. Accordingly, Mead believed that individuals could try out and manipulate symbols internally in their minds, as well as alternative solutions to situations and problems in the mind in a day-dream sort of act. Then, they âcould respond reflexively to themselves and treat themselves as objects (talk to themselves in another role like a customer) akin to other objects in the world (the self).â Mead argued that the source of the mind and self was an âongoing social process in which persons required others in order to construct their solutions to problematic situations.â Hence his well-known book Mind, Self and Society (Mead, 1934), or what we would like to narrow and redefine on a smaller scale in this work as mind, self, and the tourist customer.
The theoretical framework guiding this research effort is also built on the symbolic interaction theory of the Chicago Schoolâs Herbert Blumer, continuing Meadâs qualitative tradition based on direct observation, where the individual is viewed as an actor, not a reactor. Such a model is not a stimulus-response theory explaining social interaction. Rather, individuals are symbol-using, symbol-creating, and symbol-designating creatures. This process, which follows an exchange in a relationship, is essentially conscious. âIn its most basic form a social act involves a three-part relationshipâ: a gesture or symbolic act initiated by an individual, perceived by another, and mutually responded to by both parties (Littlejohn, 1983, p. 47). Following in this tradition, we also apply an outgrowth of this theory. This emphasis is adopted from the Iowa School, centered on the work of Manford Kuhn, which includes the sub-area of role theory, in which individuals respond according to how their social titles define their social positions.
Both of these perspectives are integrated into our investigation of the service provider responding to the customer on the frontline.
However, neither emphasis curtailed the use of observational studies. âMany empirical studies in the symbolic interactionist tradition of social psychology at Chicago were participant observational studies,â which appears to be the generic methodology for the study of social encounters (Farr, 1996, p. 28). Erving Goffman drew upon many of the unpublished dissertations after the Second World War to illustrate the âminutiaeâ and detail involved with encounters and social interaction. You are whom you associate with and what you do. In the end, the âtheories of self-concept have emphasized that peopleâs self-concepts are a product of their interactions and identification with other peopleâ (Pelham and Hetts, 1999, p. 115). In fact, this influence created by other people is even more pronounced when a product or service is publicly consumed, as in the case of tourism activities (Amaldoss and Jain, 2008) â an interesting reflection of the theory makers themselves and the kind of eyes and ears harnessed to gather data on interacting beings.
There is a methodological difference in how those interactions are viewed, based on each schoolâs perspective of self. According to Schubert and the interaction school, the social self is the creation of inter-subjective communication with the mind and the outside world. It is not a âsolipsistic capacityâ, but an âinner experienceâ created in conjunction with the outside worldâ (Cooley, 1998, pp. 21, 23). In other words, âoneâs social identity develops itself through symbolically mediated interaction with oneâs surroundings.â The mechanisms that mediate between the self and society are âcommunication, sympathetic introspection, and understandingâ (Cooley, 1998, pp. 23, 161, 164). âThe social self is simply any idea, or system of ideas, drawn from the communicative life that the mind cherishes as its own.â âA self-idea of this sort seems to have three principal elements: the imagination of our appearance to the other person; the imagination of his judgment of that appearance; and some sort of self feeling such as pride or modificationâ transpiring between the persons. Adults âimagine the whole thing at once and their idea differs from that of a child chiefly in comparative richness and complexity of the elements that accompany and interpret the visible or audible signâ (Cooley, 1998, p. 173). Reflecting the insight of the early social interaction theorists at the turn and early part of the century, Troyer and Younts (1997, p. 720) point out that âsocial interaction is guided by our ability to read the interpretations others make of us and our actions (in or out of their presence) and adjust our behavior to correspond in a meaningful way to those expectations.â They propose that both first-order expectations held by oneself, and second-order interactions held by others for oneself, guide social action. They conclude that the expectations of others matter most, but not under all conditions. Although their test results are not that inconclusive, the effects of a personâs perceived social status did make a difference to how a person interpreted anotherâs expectations.
Regarding those perceptions, symbolic functions can be subdivided, according to Dittmar (1996, pp. 157, 159), into âcategorical symbolsâ expressing a personâs social standings, wealth, status, and group memberships; and âself-expressive symbolsâ representing a personâs unique qualities, including values, attitudes, and personal history. Consumer objects and travel are part of the way in which persons represent themselves to the world (Ahuvia, 2005), and travel consumption is intricately involved in our leisure activities, emotions, self-expression, and social relations (Plog, 2001). Influencing many of these consumer choices is our social economic status and also our values and attitudes about what how we view certain worldly activities and pleasures, such as certain kinds of tourist exchange.
As a follow-up to the earlier work of the theorists at the Chicago School, the new Iowa School of symbolic interaction took up the cause, using laboratory and innovative technology to analyze a social exchange between two or more individuals. The central emphasis is upon âhow two people join their separate lines of behavior together to construct cooperative social interactionâ (Hintz and Miller, 1995, pp. 355, 366). Such social acts are composed of three phases: opening, middle, and closing. The opening constitutes âthe transitional phase between independent actions and interdependent interactionâ (Hintz and Miller, 1995, pp. 357, 361, 262). Such action is not established until âeach person acts in a way that does not challenge the otherâs definition of the relationship.â Hence, this line of reasoning serves as a basis for beginning an exchange between travel customer and service provider. A certain taking for granted is assumed âin the context of some idea about how we fit together.â As a service provider assisting a tourist, the assumed role is to help, assist, and care for the needs of the customer by communicating that the provider acknowledges that they are there to be at a customerâs bidding. âEvery time we fly somewhere, we deal with an airline or travel agency; very few of us fly in our own planesâ (Gutek, 1995, p. 161). Airplanes are not just wings and engines, but are also pilots and passengers. Unlike animals, which respond directly, people respond to stimuli mediated by their symbolic world. What you see is not always what you think. Bower (1992, p. 203), in reviewing the work of some psychologists, suggests that âthe desire to predict and control the world gets translated into inferences about the inner traits of others,â often biasing impressions. Thus unrealistic expectations about human behavior, or even realistic expectations, are âoften fostered by a lack of appreciation for the ways in which situations shape behavior further contribute to biased impressions.â There is need to socially define or make sense out of our interactions and the situations when they occur.
âThe stimuli impinging upon people are given meaning through cognitive processes and then responded to according to the attached meaningâ (Albrecht et al., 1987, p. 20). For example, Duck (1991, p. 42) reports on the classic late 1930s study that had male shills use their inter-subjective behavior to target ordinary females for attention as though they were highly attractive. The targeted women began to act, dress, and interact according to the definition coming from the men. This study helps show how perceptions of reality are often shaped through interpersonal transactions.
âSymbolic interaction is intersubjective to the core and envisions the development of language or ongoing symbolic interchange as fundamental to the human essence (and the human struggle for existence)â (Prus, 1996, p. 22). The study of interchanges between individuals also assumes and takes place within an organizational context, and some of the observations presented are confined to, or took place near, service front desks or in frontline situations. âCommunication is the essence of relationshipsâ and the medium of exchange. The process represents one individual to another and is âgoverned in part by interpersonal needs for inclusion, control, and affection. People define the situation they encounter, and adapt to those situations as definedâ (Littlejohn, 1983, p. 191). In the end, the process seeks to know how the relationship affects your perceptions and needs.
In relationships, individuals monitor perceived costs and rewards. In a service situation, where dyadic relationships take place, interactive rewards and pleasure are very much the key social ingredient for maximizing customer satisfaction. It all begins with the âcustomers (who) âsee intoâ the organization through a unique window; the actions and words of frontline employeesâ (Bell and Zemke, 1992, p. 18). That is, âfrontline employees are often the primary reflection of a firmâs imageâ (Maxham and Netemeyer, 2003, p. 46). In an interactive exchange through dialogue, people communicate various forms of verbal behavior to express the social consequences of what they mean. Some are in the form of questioning and asking to have a need fulfilled; for example, âWhere is the restroom?â or âCould I have a cool drink?â Others are in the form of a declarative report about your surroundings and the environment, as in âThe weather is beautiful.â Still others form communication links with the words and expressions that are said first by the speaker, who stimulates a repeated response in similar form in the listener. These expressions take the form of many ritualized greetings, such as âGood morning,â and âGood morning to you,â said in return; many of these expressions are polite exchanges in a fast-moving world of individuals and strangers interacting, and provide commonly accepted cultural exchanges. Finally, some verbal adjectives that modify a request such as âCould you do me a favor?â are then followed by your request. Such forms of expression make their way into our conventional daily communicating patterns and become part of our operating dialogue on âhow we get byâ and get along with others.
âYou can never go wrong with face-to-face contact while there are other less direct methods of interacting; they will not be effective ⌠if you donât see your customers regularlyâ (Brown, 1999, p. 203). âA social encounter begins when one person attends to another and ends when neither can attend to the otherâ (Hintz and Miller, 1995, p. 358). These social connections are the first step toward a relationship process with a company. In fact, in many cases, in the eye of the customer, the frontline employee âisâ the service (Garrett, 2001). âIf a customer interacts with a firm for the first time, then it is this initial encounter that deter mines whether a relationship is formed and continuedâ (Botschen, 2000, p. 280). There are four conditions listed by Botschen (2000, p. 281) that qualify: (1) you and another are behaving, (2) you are aware of the otherâs behavior, (3) the other is aware of your behavior, (4) as a result, you are both consciously aware of each other. The role performance structures a service encounter. âEach role that one plays is learned. Oneâs confidence that one is doing the right thing leads to performance satisfaction.
âOneâs role specific self-concept is formed by reactions of others to the quality of oneâs role enactmentâ (Solomon et al., 1985, pp. 102â4). This process is called taking the role of another, in which the customer âanticipates the otherâs expected role behavior,â allowing that customer to gauge their behavior to the service provider. In this context, satisfaction with a service encounter is seen as a function of the congruence between perceived behavior and the behavior expected by role players (Oliver and Burke, 1999; Sirgy and Su, 2000). In other words, customer satisfaction is an evaluative process (Mattila and Ro, 2008, p. 298), and therefore failure of the service interaction is failure of the customer and service provider in not understanding each otherâs actions and not playing their part in the service script. âConsumers can be thought of as possessing cognitive scripts for a wide variety of service encountersâ (Solomon et al., 1985, p. 106). That is, script theory contends that knowledge about familiar, frequent situations is stored in oneâs mind as a coherent description of events that are expected to occur (Bateson, 2002, p. 110).
The medium of exchange makes use of symbols that are both verbally spoken and nonverbal, including gestures and postures. Language embodies symbols that convey meaning (Brownell, 2000). âWe plan, broker, initiate, guide, bully, love, terrorize, ter minate, justify, or challenge through words. It is in words that we engage in social interaction and it is through a better understanding of words and their use that we begin to appreciate social behaviorâ (Semin, 1997, p. 294). It is through this medium that humans express themselves and their intention (Brownell, 2000). âWords and sentences do not express ideas or refer to things, but serve to get things done through people or have people refer to thingsâ (Guerin, 1994, p. 143). Verbal behavior is just another kind of behavioral action that helps mankind function. The symbolic interaction model of George Herbert Mead, as singled out by Guerin (1994, pp. 144â46), sees language as having âno meaning residing in our words beyond their social consequences.â Words also have no meaning without an active listener, who attends to the consequences of a message understood by all parties using commonly agreed upon symbols. And finally, verbal behavior is only generally reinforced, and not always taken as a direct command to act. Saying we should treat everyone in a certain manner has consequences when truly accompanied by other tangible actions. Nevertheless, âlanguage and its strategic use is the paramount social reality within which all social psychology processing take place, are manifested and managed. It is the pursuit of the subtle but fascinating properties of this medium which brings us together, by which we cheat or influence each other, and by which we gossip or prejudge others, argue, help, or adviseâ (Semin, 1997, p. 302).
Social activity has given rise to âlanguage acquisition and use ⌠at the core of human intersubjectivity. Only when people share sets of symbols are they able to communicate with one another and act in other ways that are mindful of the viewpoints of the otherâ (Prus, 1996, p. 11). In enabling the link between social behavior and interaction, Semin (1997, pp. 293, 297) refers to âsymbolic communicationâ and the âlanguageâ forms seen as the âmediators not only of cognition and consciousness but of the self and social interaction.â The messages coded and decoded through the use of language play a paramount role in the tourism sector (Dann, 1996). Levels of social classification are coded into the self and exchanges with others. Theories of the self contain both a more personal dimension, and also a more social group identification component, that Pelham and Hetts (1999, p. 116) see in explicitly how individuals consciously consider their role, and also implicitly how they associate nonconsciously in a group or social context. Both these dimensions of the self enter into the consequent influences that they have on a personâs behavior. The authors focus their efforts on the implicit affects in three studies showing that âparticipants endorsed explicit self-conceptions consistent with their current cultural context, a finding suggesting cultureâs powerful influence on how people consciously think about themselves.â Individualsâ implicit self-concepts also influence their socialization, thus demonstrating the relative independence and persistence of implicit belief systems. Although culture may be a robust influence, individualsâ earlier and other personal experiences also continue to influence perceptions of self. What kind of role they engage in will reflect those dimensions.
Social provider and customer
Our interest is rather narrow, and views the definition of a service providerâs interaction with a customer as âface-to-face interactions between a buyer and seller in a service settingâ (Solomon et al., 1985, pp. 100â101). Service encounters are human interactions: âcommunication between a service provider and a customer is interactive; it is a reciprocal process rather than a linear one.â âIt is more accurate to think of the service provider as acting with the customer.â And as a result, âthe quality of the subjective product â the service experience â is the true outcome of a service interaction.â The interaction conceptualization of meaning âis its stress on conscious interpretation,â where the parties relating to each other compare, weigh, and evaluate their symbolic exchange. The interaction process results in ânearly all that a person is and does is formed in the process of interacting symbolically with othersâ (Littlejohn, 1983, pp. 50â51). This kind of approach to understanding what takes place in a social exchange is based on symbolic interact...