PART 1 1
GENDER AND THE PRIVATE/PUBLIC DEBATE ON EDUCATION IN THE LONG EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
Michèle Cohen
INTRODUCTION
The history of education is central to an understanding of the positioning of males and females as gendered beings since the Enlightenment. That history has generally foregrounded mainly âthe ideas and activities of menâ, though there have been some important contributions to the history of girlsâ education, especially in the past few years.1 What is still lacking, however, is work that places gender at the heart of the analysis. This is the aim of this chapter. By examining an eighteenth-century debate on education, the private/public debate, I hope to show how central gender has been to educational thought and prescription. My argument is that this debate contributed to the articulation of gender difference and the conceptualisation of gendered modes of knowing in the late eighteenth century.
âWhat shall I do with my son?â With these words, John Locke begins a discussion with an imaginary father about the respective merits of a private or public education. How should boys destined to be gentlemen be educated? Privately at home, or publicly at school?2 Though for Locke, âprivateâ clearly refers to a domestic education and âpublicâ to education in a grammar or a âgreat schoolâ,3 the meanings of âprivateâ and âpublicâ in the eighteenth century were ambiguous enough for some commentators to feel the need to clarify their terms.4 âBy private, I mean only domestic and solitary educationâ, noted Vicesimus Knox in a footnote at the start of a chapter on the debate in his Liberal Education.5 âPrivateâ could also refer to a variety of small seminaries, though these could also be called âpublicâ to distinguish them from domestic education. âPublicâ was always used with reference to grammar and great schools. As will be argued later, the terms private and public were more complex when applied to the education of girls.
THE DEBATE
Though the issue of a private or a public education was not new, Lockeâs articulation of the debate was a major point of reference for educationists throughout the eighteenth century. This may be because, as Yolton suggests, âLocke systematised and made more readable what some of the earlier tracts attemptedâ.6 Locke began his examination of the relative merits of private and public education for gentlemenâs sons by conceding that âboth sides have their Inconveniencesâ, but it is clear from the outset that for him the inconveniences of public education far outweighed its benefits.
Two key arguments in favour of public schools were that bringing together large numbers of boys encouraged confidence and fostered emulation. Locke dismissed these arguments, pointing out that the âBoldnessâ and âSpiritâ gained at school were a âmixture of Rudeness and an ill-turnâd Confidenceâ which were ultimately unbecoming to a gentleman. As for emulation, it might well be an incitement to hard work but, he noted not without irony, âObservation and Industryâ were not qualities boys tended to learn from one another. On the other hand, the âWaggeries and Cheatsâ which schoolboys did teach each other were precisely not what a gentlemanâs son needed to learn.
A key disadvantage of domestic education was that it would foster âSheepishness and ignorance of the Worldâ. But, Locke countered, it did preserve a boyâs âInnocence and Modestyâ, which it was âpreposterous to sacrifice to the attainment of Confidence and some little Skill of bustling for himself amongst others, by his conversation with ill-bred and vitious Boysâ. At home, a boy was âin his Fatherâs sight, under a good Governorâ, and would be sure to acquire âa genteel Carriage, more manly ThoughtsâŚwith a greater Proficiency in Learning into the Bargainâ. At school, masters had too many boys to look after, and could not be expected to âinstruct them Successfully in anything, but their Booksâ. For Locke, education was above all about virtue: Tis Vertue, then, direct Vertue, which is the hard and valuable part to be aimed at in Education.â Domestic education was âmuch the best and safest way to this great and main End of Educationâ.7
The popularity of Lockeâs treatise may be one reason why the issue elicited such widespread interest.8 From the early eighteenth century, most writers on education, whether private tutors or schoolmasters, included a chapter on the issue. Francis Brokesby reckoned that âin private Education, the Person may be more closely followed, more carefully observed, more constantly attended, and more amply instructedâ, but he wondered whether these qualities would compensate for those âdefects which cleave to a private, but are discharged from a Publick educationâ. James Barclay, master of the Academy at Tottenham High Cross, argued that public education suited lively boys, and domestic education milder ones. It was their sonsâ âtempers and dispositionsâ that parents should consider instead of deliberating about the âgood or bad consequences of private or publick educationâ. George Chapman, master of the Grammar School at Dumfries, considered that private education was âdefective⌠towards rearing children for societyâ, but that at public school, childrenâs âimprovement is retarded and their morals endangeredâ.9
Comment was not confined to educationists. Essayists, novelists and poets also expressed their views on the subject, attesting to its prominence in the cultural life of the eighteenth century. Writing in the periodical paper, the Spectator, Budgell summarised the arguments of Lockeâs âcelebrated Treatiseâ before outlining both sides of the debate for readersâ consideration. In Pamela (1739), Samuel Richardsonâs eponymous heroine has read Locke and exclaims: âYou canât imagine how these difficulties perplex me, as to my knowing how to judge which is best, a home or a school education.â Though she points out that the success of Lockeâs plan depends almost entirely on finding an ideal tutor, she follows his advice and opts for a home education. Her main worry is finding a way of inspiring the âwished-for emulationâ which âwould be so promotiveâ of learning. Mr Allworthy, in Fieldingâs Tom Jones (1749), also chooses a private education with a tutor for Tom Jones and Master Blifil. For âhaving observed the imperfect institution of our public schools, and the many vices which boys were there liable to learn, [he] had resolved to educate his nephewâŚin his own houseâ. On the other hand, it is because Peregrine Pickle (1751) is sent to a boarding school that this âsupposed dunceâ becomes âremarkable for the brightness of his partsâ, all because his âspirit of emulationâ was kindled. Rewarded for his efforts with âhonorary silver penniesâ, he gains popularity and many boys seek his company. Boswell tells us that Dr Johnson was so persuasive in his support of public schooling that he convinced Mr Murray, Solicitor General of Scotland, and Boswell himself, to send their sons to Eton and Westminster.10 Johnson staunchly opposed domestic education, in part because he believed mothersâ indulgence prevented their sons from achieving their potential, an attitude that recurs throughout the century.11
In the 1780s, a strong new voice emerged in favour of public schools, Vicesimus Knox, master of Tonbridge School.12 Knoxâs importance rests on his attempt to regenerate public schools and restore their reputation, and on the popularity of his educational treatise, Liberal Education (1781).13 However, it is Knoxâs position on the issue of private or public education that is considered here. I want to argue that his intervention irrevocably altered the meaning of the terms of the debate and opened up the possibility of thinking differently about it. Until Knox, private educationâs promise of virtue had been inviolable. Knox claimed rather that private education, far from automatically shielding youths from vice, actually predisposed them to it. Because youths educated at home are under constant surveillance, he reasoned, they are unprepared for future freedoms, and therefore more likely to turn to vice. âI have known young men nearly ruined at university who attributed their wrong conduct to the immoderate restraints of a domestic education.â14 Not only did this subvert the foundation of Lockeâs claim for the superiority of domestic education, but discursively shifting the site of vice from the school to the home made it possible to shift the site of virtue from the home to the school. A decade later, educationist Clara Reeve could comment: âsome have said, that a public education is most likely to produce eminent menâa private, virtuous ones; even this will bear a dispute, as the instances we see to the contrary refute all this kind of reasoningâ.15
At the same time as he denounced domestic education, Knox secured the superiority of public schooling by linking the mechanism of learning and success to the very structure and organisation of the school, using a new vocabulary to articulate the conditions of possibility for this success: âexertionâ and the key notion that âexertion strengthens the mindâ. Knox explained that if a boy has âpartsâ,16 he will become a better scholar at a school because many circumstances âco-operate to force his own personal exertion, on which depends the increase of mental strength, and of course improvement, infinitely more than the instruction of any preceptor whateverâ.17
Liberal Education was published at a time when the reputation of public schools, those ânurseries of all vice and immoralityâ, had reached an all-time low, and education had become âone of the main areas of conflict in a changing societyâ.18 An article in the London Magazine in 1779 described the âgilded youthâ of public schools as âa herd of brutes in human shapes who glory in the violation of decency, of the common rules of society, and are the terror of the neighbourhood in which they resideâ.19 There was also continuing dissatisfaction with the public schoolsâ narrow curriculum, and continuing disquiet with their methods of instruction, what I call the 3 Rs of eighteenth-century English pedagogy: rules, rote and the rod.
Though Knox has been credited with reforming public schools,20 this was merely a step in a more ambitious programme. His aim was to reformulate the national character, by purging the nation of the âlevityâ of France, an infection connected with âluxury, effeminacy and everything ignobleâ.21 This called for a âradical cureâ. Knoxâs remedy was the study of the classics, inspiring youths to âimbibe the spirit, the virtue, the elevation of sentiment and the rational love of liberty, which exalted the polished ancientsâ. Because the radical cure relied on laying a âFIRM AND DURABLE FOUNDATION IN GRAMMARâ, an objective attainable only by âa strict, a long and laborious study of grammar at a puerile ageâ, it is inextricably interwoven with Knoxâs arguments for public schooling, and his disparagement of domestic education.22 Ostensibly, there was no reason why his cure could not be administered by tutors to home-educated boys with the same effect, but Knox claimed that the main reason that parents employed private tutors was to avoid the tough discipline of a great school. Tutors, he argued, did not have the authority to ground boys in Latin grammar and often failed to do so. Purging the nation o...