The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars AD 363-628

Geoffrey Greatrex, Samuel N. C. Lieu

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2005
• ISBN:
  9781134756452
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Ancient History
• Index: History

Late Antiquity was an eventful period on the eastern frontier of the Roman empire. From the failure of the Emperor Julian's invasion of Persia in 363 AD to the overwhelming victory of the Emperor Heraclius in 628, the Romans and Persians were engaged in almost constant conflict.
This book, sequel to the volume covering the years 226-363 AD, provides translations of key texts on relations between the opposing sides, taken from a wide range of sources. Many have never before been available in a modern language, and all are fully set in context with expert commentary and extensive annotation. For more information please visit the author's supplementary website at http://aix1.uottawa.ca/~greatrex/ref.html

1
THE PEACE OF JOVIAN AND ITS
AFTERMATH IN MESOPOTAMIA
(363–99)

Peace terms agreed by Jovian during the return from Persia (363)

The Emperor Julian died from the wound he sustained in battle on 26 June 363. On the following day a relatively unknown commander by the name of Jovian was elevated to the throne. He continued the withdrawal from Persian territory, but, unable to cross the river Tigris, the army halted for four days at a place called Dura. There the Persians entered into negotiations with Jovian, who agreed to almost everything they demanded: the more time passed and supplies ran short, the less room for manoeuvre was available to him. Thus the new emperor surrendered several territories east of the Tigris to the Persians, as well as valuable frontier fortresses in eastern Mesopotamia, such as Nisibis; he also agreed not to lend assistance to the Armenian king Arsaces. Probably on 11 July the march back to Roman territory resumed; after enduring terrible privations, the remnants of the expeditionary force arrived back at Nisibis. See Chrysos 1976: 25–32, Blockley 1984: 31, 34–7, Gutmann 1991: 162–4, Winter and Dignas 2001: M18.¹

The attitude of the sources to Jovian’s peace ranges from utter condemnation to an acceptance that he accomplished all that was possible under the circumstances; Christian writers naturally shift the blame for the surrender of Roman territory onto Julian.²

(a) Sources hostile to the peace

Agath. IV.26.6–7: see volume 1.

Ammianus XXV.7.1–8.7: While these vain attempts were going on, king Shapur, both while at a distance, and also when he had drawn near, received from his scouts and from our deserters a true account of the gallant exploits of our men, of the disgraceful massacres of his own troops, and of the killing of his elephants, in numbers he did not recall (being lost before) during his reign. (And he heard) also that the Roman army, being hardened by its continual labours since the death of its glorious chief, did not now think so much, as they said,³ of safety as of revenge, and (was resolved) to put an end to the distress of their current situation either by a complete victory or by a glorious death. (2) These many fearsome matters made him reflect, for he was aware by experience that our troops who were scattered in large numbers over these provinces could be assembled by a simple password, and knowing also that his own men after their heavy losses were in a state of the greatest alarm; at the same time he also heard that we had left behind in Mesopotamia an army little inferior in numbers to that before him. (3) Above all (else), the thing which reduced his anxious mind to inactivity was the fact that 500 men had safely at one moment crossed that swollen river⁴ by swimming, and having slain his guards, had emboldened the rest of their comrades to similar boldness. (4) In the meantime, as the violence of the stream prevented any bridges from being constructed, and as everything which could be eaten was consumed, we passed two days in great misery; and so the soldiery was raging, roused by starvation and anger, and was in a hurry to perish by the sword rather than by hunger, the most degrading death. (5) But the eternal power of the heavenly god was on our side and beyond our hopes the Persians made the first overtures, sending Surena⁵ and another noble as ambassadors to establish peace; they themselves were in a state of despondency, as the Romans, having proved superior in almost every battle, weakened them daily. (6) But the conditions which they proposed were difficult and intricate, since they pretended that, out of regard for humanity, their most merciful monarch was willing to permit the remains of our army to return home, provided the Caesar, with his officers, would satisfy his demands.⁶ (7) In reply, Arintheus was sent with the prefect Salutius; and while the proper terms were being discussed with great deliberation, four more days were spent in great suffering from want of provisions, more painful than any kind of torture. (8) And in this space of time, if before the ambassadors were sent, the emperor, making full use (of the opportunity), had retired slowly from the territories of the enemy, he would certainly have reached the forts of Corduene, a rich region belonging to us, only 100 miles from the spot where these transactions were being carried on.⁷ (9) But Shapur obstinately demanded (to use his own language) the restoration of those territories which had been taken from him a short while ago by Maximian;⁸ but as was seen in the process of the negotiation, he in reality required, as the price of our redemption, five provinces on the other side of the Tigris – Arzanene, Moxoene, Zabdicene, as well as Rehimene and Corduene, with fifteen fortresses and Nisibis and Singara, and Castra Maurorum,⁹ an extremely well placed fort. (10) And though it would have been better to fight ten battles than to give up any of them, still a set of flatterers harassed our timid emperor with harping on the dreaded name of Procopius, and affirmed that if he (Procopius) returned with the fresh troops under his command when he heard of the death of Julian, he would easily bring about a revolution which no one would resist.¹⁰ (11) Jovian, excessively¹¹ inflamed by the pernicious reiteration of these evil counsels, without further delay gave up everything that was demanded, (with this proviso), which he obtained with difficulty, that Nisibis and Singara should go over to Persian control without their inhabitants, and that the Roman garrisons in the forts to be surrendered should be permitted to retire to fortresses of our own. (12) To this another deadly and unfair condition was added, that after this treaty was concluded aid was not to be brought to Arsaces against the Persians, if he implored our aid, though he had always been our friend and trusty ally. And this was insisted on by Shapur for two reasons, in order that the man might be punished who had laid waste Chiliocomum¹² at the emperor’s command, and also that the opportunity might henceforth be given for invading Armenia without a check. In consequence of this it fell out subsequently that Arsaces was captured alive, and that amid different dissensions and disturbances, the Parthians laid violent hands on the greater portion of Armenia, where it borders on Media, and on the town of Artaxata. (13) Once this ignoble treaty had been made, in order that nothing might be done during the armistice, in contravention of its terms, some men of rank were given as hostages on each side: on ours, Nemota,¹³ Victor and Bellovaedius, tribunes of distinguished legions: and on that of the enemy, one of their chief nobles named Bineses, and three other satraps of note. (14) So peace was made for thirty years, and ratified by solemn oaths; and we, returning by another line of march, avoiding the parts near the river because they were rugged and difficult, suffered severely for want of water and provisions.¹⁴

(8.1) The peace which had been granted on pretence of humanity was turned to the ruin of many who were so exhausted by want of food as to be at the last gasp, and who in consequence had set off in secret, and were carried away by the current of the river from not being able to swim; or, if able to overcome the force of the waves so far as to reach the bank, they were caught by the Saracens or the Persians, whom (as we said a little earlier) the Germans had driven out, and slain like cattle or sent off a distance to be sold as slaves. (2) But when the resounding trumpets openly gave the signal for crossing the river, it was with a terrible ardour that every individual hastened to rush into all kinds of danger, preferring himself to all his comrades, in the desire to avoid many dangers. Some tried to guide the beasts which were swimming about at random with paddles hurriedly put together; some, seated on bladders, and others, being driven by necessity to all kinds of expedients, sought to pass through the opposing waves by crossing them obliquely. (3) The emperor himself with a few others crossed over in the small boats, which we said were saved when the fleet was burnt, and then ordered the same vessels to go backwards and forwards until we were all brought across. And at length all of us, except such as were drowned, reached the opposite bank of the river, being saved amid our difficulties by the favour of the supreme deity.

(4) While fear of impending disasters oppressed us, we learnt from information brought in by our scouts that the Persians were throwing a bridge over the river beyond our sight, so that after peace was established and treaties (concluded), and the turmoils of war had been stilled, they might come upon our invalids as they proceeded carelessly onwards, and on the animals long exhausted with fatigue. But when they found their purpose discovered, they relinquished their base design. (5) Being now relieved from this suspicion, we hastened on by rapid marches, and approached Hatra, an ancient town in the middle of a desert, which had been long since abandoned, though at different times the warlike emperors, Trajan and Severus, had attacked it with a view to its destruction, but had been almost destroyed with their armies, which we have also related in our history of their exploits.¹⁵ (6) And as we now learnt that over the vast plain before us for seventy miles in that arid region no water could be found but such as was brackish and fetid, and no kind of food but southernwood, wormwood, dracontium, and other bitter herbs, we filled the vessels which we had with sweet water, and after the camels and the rest of the beasts of burden had been slain, other types of food, even harmful ones, were sought.¹⁶ (7) For six days the army marched, until at last even grass, the last comfort of extreme necessity, could not be found; then Cassianus, dux of Mesopotamia, and the tribune Mauricius, who had been sent forward some time ago with this object, came to a Persian fort called Ur,¹⁷ and brought some food from the supplies which the army under Procopius and Sebastian, by living sparingly, had managed to preserve. (tr. Yonge, revised)

Eunapius frg.29.1.3–6, 10–15: (…) Coming to Nisibis, a populous city, he (Jovian) stayed there for only two days, lavishly consuming all its resources and having neither a kindly word nor a good deed for the inhabitants. ( … ) When, as has been said, he became emperor of the Romans after Julian, ignoring everything else in his eagerness to enjoy the rank that had devolved upon him, he fled from Persia, hurried to reach the Roman provinces to display his (good) fortune, and handed over to the Persians the city of Nisibis, which had long been subject to the Romans.¹⁸ (tr. Blockley, revised)

Festus, Breviarium 29: Jovian took over an army (which had proved) superior in battles, but which had been thrown into confusion by the sudden death of the emperor it had lost. When supplies were running short and the way back threatened to be rather long, the Persians held up the passage of the columns with frequent attacks, at one moment from the front, at another from the rear, as well as attacking the flanks of those in the middle; after some days had been spent (thus) such was the respect for the Roman name that it was from the Persians that the first mention of peace came; and the army, exhausted by starvation, was allowed to be led back. The conditions imposed – (something) which had never previously occurred – were costly to the Roman state, as Nisibis and part of Mesopotamia were handed over; Jovian, new to the throne, and greedier for power than glory, assented to them.

Libanius, Or.1.134 (I, 147.25–148.5): ( … ) We were sure that by these great afflictions¹⁹ heaven (p.) gave us a sign of some great disaster, and, as we prayed that our guess should not be right, the bitter news reached our ears that our great Julian was being carried in his coffin, that some nonentity held the throne, and that Armenia, and as much of the rest of the empire as they liked, was in Persian hands.²⁰ (tr. Norman)

Libanius, Or.18.277–8 (II, 357.8–358.4): (Libanius is complaining of the change in Roman policy once Jovian was on the throne) In the first place, they did not stand up to those whom previously they used to put to flight; secondly, ensnared by this word ‘peace’, for the enemy applied the same technique again, they all demanded its acceptance without demur, and the new emperor was the first to be taken in by it. The Mede found them hankering after peace and dillied and dallied with question and answer, accepting this point, deferring that, and exhausting their supplies with a string of parleys. (278) When they were in want of food and everything else, and they were begging for everything, and dire necessity encompassed them, at that moment (p.358) he (the Persian) presented his minimum terms, the cities, territories and provinces – the (very) walls (which guaranteed) the safety of the Romans. Our new emperor agreed and evacuated them all, and made no bones about it. (tr. Norman, revised)

(b) Sources which are balanced in their attitude to the peace

Artemii Passio 70: see volume 1.

Cedrenus I.539.16–21: see volume 1.

Chr. 724, 133.25–134.9: see volume 1.

Epic Histories IV.21: (describing the treaty of 363) ( … ) And he wrote in the treaty in the following way: ‘I have granted you,’ he (Jovian) said: ‘the city of Ncbin (Nisibis), which is in Aruestan and S...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Maps
• Preface
• Acknowledgements
• Abbreviations
• Eastern Roman Emperors (363–630)
• Persian Kings (363–630)
• Glossary
• Notes On the Sources
• 1. The Peace Of Jovian and Its Aftermath In Mesopotamia (363–99)
• 2. The Evolution of the North-East Frontier (363–99)
• 3. The Mesopotamian Frontier In the Fifth Century
• 4. The North-East Frontier In the Fifth CenturY
• 5. The Anastasian War and Its Aftermath (502–25)
• 6. Justinian’S First Persian War and the Eternal Peace (C.525–40)
• 7. Justinian’S Second Persian War the Southern Front (540–5)
• 8. Justinian’s Second Persian War: The Northern Front (540–62)
• 9. Justinian’s Second Persian War: Diplomatic Relations (545–62)
• 10. The Failure of the Peace of 562 (562–73)
• 11. The War Under Tiberius (574–82)
• 12. The Reign of Maurice (582–602)
• 13. The Persian Takeover of the Near East (602–22)
• 14. The Roman Recovery Under Heraclius (622–30)
• 15. The Khuzistan Chronicle: (First part)
• 16. The Evidence of Epigraphy: The Eastern Frontier (363–630)
• Notes
• Bibliography