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This is a study of the ways various kinds of injury and trauma affected Ernest Hemingway's life and writing, from the First World War through his suicide in 1961. Linda Wagner-Martin has written or edited more than sixty books including Ernest Hemingway, A Literary Life. She is Frank Borden Hanes Professor Emerita at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and a winner of the Jay B. Hubbell Medal for Lifetime Achievement.
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CHAPTER ONE
The Writer Writes
I ate the end of my piece of cheese and took a swallow of wine. Through the other noise I heard a cough, then came the chuh-chuh-chuh-chuhâthen there was a flash, as when a blast-furnace door is swung open, and a roar that started white and went red and on and on in a rushing wind. I tried to breathe but my breath would not come and I felt myself rush bodily out of myself and out and out and out and all the time bodily in the wind. I went out swiftly, all of myself, and I knew I was dead and that it had all been a mistake to think you just died. Then I floated, and instead of going on I felt myself slide back. I breathed and I was back. The ground was torn up and in front of my head there was a splintered beam of wood. In the jolt of my head I heard somebody crying. I thought somebody was screaming. I tried to move but I could not move. (FTA 54â55)1
WOUNDED BY A trench mortar shell on July 8, 1918, Hemingway did not write about his out-of-body experience for nearly ten years. Rather than being obsessed with his writerly aim of describing such wounding, he buried the experience in his subconscious and instead practiced, rigorously, the craft of writing.
Hemingwayâs physical healing took much of the next two years of his life. Moved from the battlefield site to the newly opened American Red Cross hospital in Milan, Hemingway underwent surgeries (the last on August 10, 1918) as well as extensive physical therapy. He fell in love with the American nurse Agnes von Kurowsky, who was in attendance until she was transferred to Florence. She returned to Milan for several weeks and then was sent to Treviso. After Hemingway visited her there for one day, he considered them engaged. He returned to action but became badly jaundiced and so was hospitalized again. Then the war ended, and he spent the rest of his time in Italy visiting his Red Cross supervisor, James Gamble, in Taormina, Sicily.
Hemingway was discharged from the Red Cross on January 4, 1919, and sailed for New York via Gibraltar, crossing the Atlantic on the Giuseppe Verdi. When he arrived in New York on January 21, he returned home to Oak Park and began convalescing, giving talks, wearing his unofficial âItalianâ uniform, hiding alcohol in his bedroom so that he could continue the drinking that had gotten him through his Italian convalescence, writing letters to Agnes, and writing fiction.2
When Agnes sent him a âDear Johnâ letter in March, explaining that she was too old for him,3 Hemingway became deeply depressed. He went to the Michigan cottage several months before his family came, and he planned to spend the next fall and winter writing there, supported by a small monthly stipend from his Travelers Insurance policy. Part of his anxiety at living at home probably stemmed from his parentsâ urging him to go to college. As he wrote in an April 30, 1919, letter, âMy family . . . are wolfing at me to go to college. They want me to settle down for a while and the place that they are pulling for very strongly is Wisconsinâ (SL 24).
Because most of his writing from these months was never published, exact dates cannot be recovered. But there is enough evidenceâgiven in the biographies about Hemingwayâs war and postwar years, particularly those by Peter Griffin, Michael Reynolds, and Charles Fentonâto show that his progress as a competent fiction writer was slow. All three critics excerpt from work that remains in manuscript or was among the writing lost in 1922 when first wife Hadley Hemingway traveled to Schruns with a suitcase filled with Hemingwayâs writingsâincluding carbonsâand the case was stolen.4 All that remained then of Hemingwayâs early writing were several stories already mailed to magazines or carried in his personal luggage to share with other journalists, such as âMy Old Man.â
There were stories (and partial stories) about living in Michigan, about the war, and about characters that appear to be drawn from some imaginary small town (perhaps modeled on Sherwood Andersonâs Winesburg, Ohio âgrotesquesâ),5 as well as poems, or perhaps the kind of âpoemsâ he would later collect in both in our time and In Our Time. His word for the brief prose poem he was practicingâand its terse languageâwas âcablese,â as he told Lincoln Steffens: âJust read the cablese, only the cablese. Isnât it a great language?â6
Of his early successful short fictions, grouped into a collection Hemingway called CrossroadsâAn Anthology, among the strongest are those that rely on a concluding irony. âEd Paigeâ recounts the townspeopleâs disbelief that Paige, a lumber worker, was able to stay in the ring with professional boxer Stanley Ketchel for the allotted time. Paige won the advertised $100 and then (emotionally) retired on his laurels. Later, the townspeople began to question that âwonderful slashing, tearing-in battle.â7
Hemingway used the same kind of scenic structure in âOld Man Hurdâand Mrs. Hurdâ as the younger wife laments to the narratorâs mother that she could have married better, âI was a right likely-looking girl then.â But after her fatherâs death, she could not run the small farm alone. Old Man Hurd would appear every evening and tell her, âSarah, youâd better marry me.â Like Andersonâs Winesburg characters, Mrs. Hurd had no real choices, so she ended her days married to the man who âhas a face that looks indecent. He hasnât any whiskers, and his chin kind of slinks in and his eyes are red rimmed and watery, and the edges of his nostrils are always red and raw.â8
Sorrow links the vignettes. The often-quoted âPauline Snowâ describes the title character as âthe only beautiful girl we ever had out at the Bay . . . like an Easter Lily coming up straight and lithe and beautiful out of a dung heap.â But her friendliness with her only suitor, the rough Art Simons, leads the townspeople to condemn her: âThey sent Pauline away to the correction school down at Coldwater. Art was away for awhile, and then came back and married one of the Jenkins girls.â9
If not jarringly dismissive about the collective consciousness of a community, Hemingwayâs sketches tried to give insight into men who had served in the military abroad. âBob White,â which uses another play on significant naming, as in âSnowâ and âHurd,â plays his village for a group of fools, telling them lies about his war (and about French women and their families). His giving listeners ânews right directâ is a shameful travesty. Unlike Bob White, âBilly Gilbert,â who joined the Scots Black Watch for a chance to see real action, performed bravely, to the honor of his Ojibway tribe near Susan Lake. But his wearing the required kilt and bonnet makes him the object of his neighborsâ ridiculeâhis wife has left him, his farm is in disrepair, and âhis eyes looked a long way through the dark.â10
Through these stories, Hemingway attempted to write about his war, but his effortsâwhether in short pieces or longerâillustrate what critic Jennifer Haytock describes as âproblematic.â She notes that the art of writing is, in itself, âa sign of civilization; when a soldier writes about war, he attempts to process a civilization-destroying activity into something that can be understood by civilization.â11
Foreshadowing the kind of results Hemingway would achieve a few years later, as he honed and polished the vignettes that formed the frame of in our time, these early stories caught the essential character not only of the person named in each title but of the culture and of the community, represented collectively.
There are also poems, free-form poems with unrhymed lines that stagger a bit as they try to mimic idiomatic speech, their line divisions creating a semblance of modernist literary finesse. Some of the best are his âMichiganâ poems, such as âAlong with Youth,â which opens
A porcupine skin
Stiff with bad tanning,
It must have ended somewhere.
Stuffed horned owl
Pompous
Yellow eyed . . . (CP 26)
and some scattered single lines, such as âThe grass has gone brown in the summerâ (CP 19). These strong lines counteract a sense of quasi-humorous irony that spoils many other of Hemingwayâs poems. Among his more accomplished are those about war. Though fewer, they borrow the terse attention to detail so apparent in his journalism. Later published in Poetry, âRiparto dâAssaltoâ begins with a description of soldiers riding in a cold truckâtheir physical discomfort and pain, their sexual reveries, and then the ride itself,
Damned cold, bitter, rotten ride,
Winding road up the Grappa side . . .
In keeping with the shock of the warâs deaths for the soldiers, this poem evokes the readerâs parallel shock. Hemingway ends the description of the soldiersâ ride with a single line, naming the place âwhere the truck-load diedâ (CP 27). With such other war poems as âUltimately,â âThe Age Demanded,â âShock Troops,â âArsiero, Asiago,â âAll armies are the same,â âPoem, 1928,â âCaptives,â the haunting âKilled, Piave 8th July, 1918,â and âChamps dâHonneur,â the best of Hemingwayâs poetry connects âthe young Chicago poet,â as the biographical note in Poetry calls him, with war in its various dimensions. In âChamps dâHonneur,â for example, Hemingwayâs irony works toward the powerful final couplet, partly because of effective word repetition. The poem opens,
Soldiers never do die well;
Crosses mark the placesâ
Wooden crosses where they fell . . .
From the pastoral scene of marked graves, the poem takes the reader to the throes of death itself, as âsoldiers pitch and cough and twitch.â12 That they have smothered because of an enemy gas attack comes almost as an afterthought at the poemâs end.
In âTo Good Guys Dead,â Hemingway warns against the use of abstract words:
Patriotism
Democracy
Honorâ
Words and phrases
They either bitched or killed us.13
One of Hemingwayâs most poignant war poems signals its autobiographical intent. âKilled, Piave 8th July, 1918â aligns the authorâs severe wounding with the mysticism of both pain (âgentle hurtingsâ) and death, with the threatening presence of the latter described in the poemâs conclusion as
A dull, cold, rigid bayonet
On my hot-swollen, throbbing soul.14
At the heart of Hemingwayâs early writing apprenticeship, however, lay the fiction. He saw in the crafting of every phrase, every sentence, the clear difference between the effects he tried for in his journalism and the work that would make his name as writer. In addition to the Crossroads sketches, Hemingway had early written âThe Mercenaries,â about the French and American veterans going off to Peru; a now-lost story titled âWolves and Doughnuts,â rejected by George Horace Lorimer, editor of the Saturday Evening Post; and âPortrait of the Idealist in LoveâA Story,â clearly autobiographical and clearly aimed at ladiesâ magazines, as was the more complex âThe CurrentâA Story.â There was the more sophisticated âThe Ash Heelâs TendonâA Story,â which brought what Hemingway thought of as his knowledge of boxing and detective work into a plotline, somewhat parallel to that in âThe Woppian Way,â a title that biographer Jeffrey Meyers terms a âbad pun on Appian Way. This tale described an Italian boxer, fighting under an Irish name, who gives up a championship fight, joins the Arditi on the Italian front, achieves victory in battle but then cannot return to his tame career in the ring.â15 This last story became a Hemingway staple, titled at times âThe Passing of Pickles McCarty.â One might speculate that his long-unpublished story âUp in Michigan,â16 the sexual-predator narrative that used the real names of Jim Dilworth and Liz Coates, drew from both the more realistic early stories such as âThe Mercenariesâ and the poetic Crossroads sketches. âMy Old Manâ could be described as realistic as well, with the somewhat cluttered geographic and emotional sections of that story leaving little space for a readerâs intuition.
These fictions also benefited from Hemingwayâs becoming a freelancer for the Toronto Star and the Toronto Star Weekly. By a remarkable twist of fate, Ernest Hemingway, the young, wounded ambulance driver, spending the winter of 1920 in his familyâs cottage on Walloon Lake near Petoskey, Michigan, while he wrote stories and poems that no literary journal or magazine would buy, was invited to live with Ralph and Harriet Connableâs family in Toronto. Paid to be a mentor and caregiver to the Connablesâ teenaged son, he was told he would have ample writing time. True to that promise, Ralph Connable, head of the Canadian F. W. Woolworth chain of stores, gave him the promised free time and paid him a salary of twenty dollars a week.
Ralph Connable was originally from Chicago, where he and Dr. Clarence Hemingway were friends. His summer home on Walloon Lake was near the Hemingwaysâ, and he had known Ernest his entire life. There are alternate stories about this invitation to Toronto: one insists that Harriet Connable was in the audience when Hemingway, wearing his Italian cape and boots, spoke about the war and his wounding. After the talk, she invited him to come live in their guest house, to be a companion to their disabled son. However the invitation came about, it was timely: Hemingway had written a friend that he was down to his last twenty dollars and had been promised a job soon at the local pump factory.17 Another benefit to his going to Canada was the fact that the Connables were friends of both Gregory Clark and J. Herbert Cranston, the features editors of the Toronto Star Weekly.
Hemingway thought of himself as an experienced journalist. Biographer Charles Fenton agreed that he understood a good bit about journalism after his seven diligent months at the Kansas City Star.18 But what the Toronto Star Weekly (the weekend paper) wanted was not reporting: they wanted human interest stories. Hemingwayâs first byline for the Star Weekly came as early as February 14, 1920, with a story about local women who paid artists a fee for the use of original paintings for six months. Titled âCirculating Pictures,â the article provided useful information concisely. It was followed March 6 with âA Free Shave,â describing the services of the local barber college, replete with humor and extensive dialogue. The list of Hemingwayâs articles is long, averaging one every weekend. Irony, as in âPopular in PeaceâSlacker in Warâ and a tongue-in-cheek âStore Thievesâ Tricks,â was plentiful. Some of the articles were based in nature (several were about trout fishing, others camping). Many were based on local news situations, as in the case of âFox Farming.â Others stemmed from abuses during, first, the war and, then, Prohibition, and what Hemingway called âCanuck whiskey.â
The Star Weekly provided Hemingway a showcase for his many topics (and their differing treatments). With hardly a break after he left Toronto and returned to Michigan for the summer of 1920, the articles continued, though their topics were less often about Toronto. As Fenton pointed out in his assessment of Hemingwayâs skillful adaptation to human interest journalism, âThe American and Canadian papers . . . were of such diverse natures that had his relationshi...
Table of contents
- Cover Page
- Title Page
- Copyright Page
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- List of Illustrations
- List of Abbreviations
- Introduction - Wars and Their Omnipresence
- Chapter One - The Writer Writes
- Chapter Two - in our time, In Our Time and Dimensionality
- Chapter Three - When the Sun Rose
- Chapter Four - To the War
- Chapter Five - Politics and Celebrity
- Chapter Six - Hemingwayâs Epics: âThe Snows of Kilimanjaroâ and For Whom the Bell Tolls
- Chapter Seven - To the War Once Again
- Chapter Eight - After the War: Across the River and into the Trees
- Chapter Nine - The Old Man and the Sea
- Chapter Ten - The Late Years
- Notes
- Bibliography
- Index