1 Introduction
The Orthodox Church is a complex, multi-tiered, and multi-ethnic institution that claims to represent authentic and original Christianity as it was formed in the first centuries of the Common Era. Over the course of the last two millennia, it has obviously been subject to change, sometimes fundamentally, although many Orthodox theologians seem to want to hide these changes. Especially in the national churches of Eastern Europe, it is easy to portray âWestern modernityâ as the enemy threatening traditional, authentic Orthodoxy. For Orthodox faithful situated in areas where the Orthodox Church has not traditionally dominated the religious landscape, the discourse becomes a different one. Instead of positing the West as a threat to Orthodoxy, some faithful portray Orthodoxy as an asset for Western societies. At the same time, the Orthodox structures that have developed in the West are notoriously inadequate to the task of demonstrating Orthodox Church unity. Each of the nationally connoted church administrations from Eastern Europe insists on having its own diaspora structures among co-nationals, and constructive cooperation among the various church jurisdictions is a relatively recent phenomenon in most regions of the West.
This jurisdictional and discursive chaos is the topic of this book, which attempts to trace the discourse of the Orthodox Church from the early twentieth century until today, with a particular focus on the attempt to establish religious authority in communities outside the Orthodox heartlands. It does so in four main steps, including chapters on âdiasporaâ, on territoriality, on organisation, and on Christian unity. Before turning to these chapters, however, the introduction clarifies the fundamentals of my understanding of religious authority and provides a short introduction to the history of the Orthodox Church in Western Europe. At the end of the introduction, there is also a more thorough overview of the book method and structure.
The discursive construction of âreligionâ and âthe Orthodox Churchâ
Ever since the âlinguistic turnâ in the philosophy of the early twentieth century, scholars of the humanities generally agree that what we know about the world around us is to a large degree shaped by the language we use to describe it. Instead of trying to describe and analyse reality as such, scholars have to reflect on the way they construct reality through the use of language. This is most obvious in disciplines such as post-colonial or gender studies, where language structures are seen as fundamental in creating a hierarchical order and perpetuating it. However, also in other disciplines, language shapes the way we perceive the world and how we relate to it. For Michel Foucault, not only the negotiable meaning of individual words and sentences shape reality but especially the way the words and sentences are embedded in a discourse. A discourse, in the Foucauldian sense, is the sum total of every utterance that relates to a specific topic. Foucault painstakingly deconstructed the discourses of mental illness, of delinquency, and of sexuality, for example. All these discourses show the workings of power mechanisms in modern society that attempt to eliminate dissidence at the margins of normality. Foucaultâs approach to discourse analysis has been criticised from several angles, especially as it seemingly portrays discourses as having agency and is unable to account for the reasons for social change. Nevertheless, his approach has been widely influential in all areas of the social sciences and humanities, forcing scholars to rethink the relationship between the words they use and the power structures they uphold with them.
This âdiscursive turnâ has had profound implications for the study of history. Several historians in the 1990s voiced their concern that all this talk about language, discourses, and constructed realities was âthrowing the profession [of history] into a crisis of self-confidence about what it is doing and how it is doing itâ.1 This fear has, since the 2000s, given way to a new paradigm, which embraces the study of discourses in historical perspective. According to Achim Landwehr, the most prominent theorist of historical discourse analysis in Germany, this kind is on the rise, albeit still mostly tackling subjects that Michel Foucault already touched upon: science, sexuality, gender relations, punishment, etc.2 Landwehr makes the case for an expansion of historical discourse analysis to further topics, as well as the theoretical reflection on the relationship of such analysis to basic historical concepts such as space, image, materiality, and time.
Hayden White, the American historian in the tradition of literary criticism, also challenged the discipline of history with his critical view of historiography:
no matter what the pragmatic intent, since the facts about past events are partial and the historian is obliged to make a coherent story (narrative) of them anyway, it is evident that the author must fill in the gaps and thus portray those events in a fashion that is, at least to some degree, fictional.3
This view â that historical data and narratives may be arranged in almost every imaginable way which never truly represents âraw factsâ â is a different take on Foucaultâs discourse theory. Whereas Foucault focused on how discourse hegemony generates power relations and structures social hierarchies, Whiteâs concern was how it is possible to rearrange historical data to arrive at a widely divergent narrative. White emphasised agency, where Foucault saw only structure, so to speak. Hayden Whiteâs influence on the profession of history has ushered in a new focus on historiography â the act of writing history. Instead of the famous dictum by nineteenth-century German historian Leopold von Ranke that the historianâs task is to describe the past objectively, âas it really happenedâ, historiography questions the possibility of objective history, instead focusing on deconstructing the literary and narrative strings of historiansâ works.
Both the Foucauldian focus on underlying power structures and the historical narrativity of White are important factors to consider also when discussing religion. For one, as Jonathan Z. Smith was among the first to remark: â âReligionâ is not a native category. It is not a first person term of self-characterization. It is a category imposed from the outside on some aspect of native culture.â4 This view, that the very term âreligionâ does not mean much except as an analytical category, is shared by many scholars of religion, although the consequences they draw from it are diverse.5 Nevertheless, the fact that the meaning of the concept âreligionâ cannot be taken for granted remains an important key stone for current religious studies. The word âreligionâ cannot be eliminated, though, since it has become a marker for something many people hold very dear. This approach to the study of religion is the subject of the next section.
Another way the âdiscursive turnâ has impacted the study of religion is related to Edward Saidâs book Orientalism from 1978, which can be seen as the founding work of post-colonial studies.6 This work analyses the depiction of the Oriental âOtherâ in Western literature and art, claiming that this depiction often says more about the authorâs or artistâs own culture than about the Orient. According to Said, most depictions of the Other contain a negative foil of the self, bolstering the positive connotations of Western âenlightenedâ culture. This is exactly what Foucault also was referring to when he posited that certain discourses uphold structures of power and meaning, disabling dissident voices from being heard. âOrientalismâ is not something that is limited to culture, but encompasses religion too, often even to a larger degree. When criticising another religion, oneâs own religion often becomes the good one, contrasting radically with the criticised one. There is a more thorough treatment of Orientalism in relation to the topic of this book â Orthodox Christianity â in the section after the following one.
A third impact on the study of religion includes some recent attempts to deconstruct religious historiography: the way scholars of religion have narrated a history of the religion in terms of modern history but based on religious historiography.7 By using the narratives of the religious actors themselves in constructing a history of the religious group, historians of religion often fail to reflect on the âprocesses, functions and forms of religious practices and beliefs shared beyond the boundaries of âreligionsâ â.8 The scholar must analyse the narratives in the stories the religious actors themselves produce and establish the relationship between them and other historical narratives.
The socio-rhetorical approach
The main impact of the focus on discursivity in the study of religion mentioned earlier is the insight that the very term âreligionâ does not have a meaning in and of itself. This approach is linked to the North American context, where scholars such as Jonathan Z. Smith, Russell T. McCutcheon, and others have pointed to the constructed nature of the term since the 1990s. For McCutcheon, âreligionâ as a scholarly term is âmanufacturedâ as a âsocio-political management techniqueâ:9
It is the act of scholarship itself that ⌠âinventsâ such categories as religion, myth, ritual, sacrifice, pilgrimage, etc., uses them to construct theoretical âmodelsâ of how minds or institutions work, and then âmapsâ these models onto what might otherwise simply be termed observable human behaviours.10
This view of the term âreligionâ criticises the way it is used as a tool to evoke a certain attitude towards behaviours deemed âreligiousâ. Moreover, this instrumental use of...