Psychoanalysts are people who by definition believe it important to be willing and able to examine themselves and to take responsibility for the way they live their lives. We even believe that we should, like our analysands, be open to letting others help us in the process of self-exploration. Psychoanalysis is a social relationshipâif an odd and enigmatic one.
At the same time, analysts believe in âfreedomâ and âindependenceâ: personal autonomy in the sense that we all strive for moral integrity, which requires expressive freedom, privacy, and clear definitions of our ethical responsibilities. Analysts are especially trained to recognize the individual damage created by mental enslavement to intrusive, controlling, or neglectful dependency figures (internal objects), especially in formative periods of life. We want our patients to be able to think for themselves and we personally aspire to the same ideal.
But one fact of our institutional life seems to throw these comfortable, albeit demanding assumptions askew: the persistence of sexual boundary violations (SBV). Boundary violations force us to tangle in a personal way with something that exceeds the grasp of psychoanalytic âtrainingâ as it currently exists.
Boundary violations cause serious moral harm within the entire psychoanalytic community, even when they go undetected. The community that is affected includes not only analysts; it is also made up of patients, their families, friends, their pith and their kith (Ross, 1995). Psychoanalysis involves a wider and deeper social network than we may prefer at times to imagine, whose boundaries are indeterminate.
Round about the mid-1980s, however (in what I call the âGabbard Revolutionâ), we began to realize that psychoanalysis had an image problem and that we needed, at the very least, to demonstrate, in public, that justice was being done. This was the beginning of a long slippery slope in which we have conceded more and more of our sovereignty to the demands of the other. In that era, we drew up and published codes of ethics and created channels for complaint-driven ethical review of our colleagues. We began to think about our own behavior in terms of psychoanalytic principles (a novel idea), challenging morally lackadaisical attitudes and self-serving rationalizations, to the point where it actually became, for example, much more difficult to marry a patient (hitherto a common practice) while retaining peer respect. Above all, we made a show of punishing âoffenders,â frequently by banishing them. But the problem still didnât go away, as Glen Gabbard (2017) lamented, after thirty years of research and consulting on the issue, in a searing and pessimistic review of the problem. Gabbard found no evidence that anything we have done about the problem so far has contributed to the prevention of SBV. This suggests that Muriel Dimen put her finger on something very important when she wrote, in a revealing phrase, that âpsychoanalytic life is burdened by a routine dissociationâ (2016, p. 370; this volume, p. 39).
Part 1: collective responsibility for the primal crime
The essays in this collection start from Muriel Dimenâs premise that psychoanalytic responsibility for boundary violations is not only moral in nature, it is also social. As Gabbard and numerous others originally recognized, psychoanalysis not only has a public interface; it is itself a kind of social system embedded within the larger societyâa social system that we have been reluctant, over several generations of analytic practice, to carefully examine. Not only are boundary violations a part of that social system; the way we handle or mishandle them as a group is symptomatic of that system.
All of Dimenâs arguments about SBV assume our collective moral responsibilityânot just when SBVs occur, but for their occurrence in general. Something needs to be done by the group beyond the deliberative exercise of determining whether a violation has occurred and meting out justice. What many consider special about Dimenâs work is that she pushes the implications of the idea of collective responsibility to the point where we find ourselves in unknown territory, somewhere beyond the conceptual site of the Gabbard Revolution. How to explain this?
Reflecting on Dimenâs psychoanalytic work, I think we can see now more clearly how she first shifted the argument and raised it up a notch, particularly through the vertex of feminism and social anthropology, her concomitant areas of expertise. Dimen (2011) showed that our collective responsibility for boundary violations includes an element of collusion, what might be described as tacit participation in a social dynamic of denial and dissociation. The dynamic in question is really a vicious circle in which the group turns a (half-) blind eye to the problem and thus, in various ways, feeds back into it. That dynamic functions on several levels involving the systemic inequalities and biases characteristic of modern patriarchy. Though partially mitigated by law in complex liberal democracies, patriarchy is widely ramified in specialized systems and reproduces itself easily. The psychoanalytic profession is one of these systems.
As members of the psychoanalytic group, we have expected that our professional education, combined with stiff sanctions for ethical infractions, would have a deterrent effect on SBV. Yet the manner in which we address the problemâsecretive, defensive, formalistic, administrativeâdoes not inspire hope. There is a general sense of alienation in the profession, and the continuing reluctance or inability of the group and its leaders to deal with serious violations openly increases the sense of distrust and generates a pervasive feeling of inauthenticity. The leaders themselves are often prey to the alienation and even become public role models of cynicism. Indeed, the annals of psychoanalytic atrocity are heavily weighted with its more distinguished members. For these reasons, the seeming inauthenticity of ethics investigations into SBV may actually transfigure the crime into an unconsciously preferred vehicle for other members who are struggling with the impulse to rebel. We all have such motives! The table is then set for the next round of scandal; all that is required to complete another cycle is the statistically inevitable personal crisis that will crop up somewhere within the membership body.
It is in this perspective that Dimen defines SBV as a property of the psychoanalytic group (2016, p. 362; this volume, p. 29 passim). All of her work, even when not devoted specifically to psychoanalytic ethics, suggests that seemingly individual problemsâfor example, certain kinds of negative (âcounterâ)-transference that regulate conventional boundaries between normal and pathological, or healthy and perverseâcannot be addressed responsibly when the underlying social structure and dynamic are kept out of view (Dimen, 2003, 2005).
An occupational hazard of psychoanalysis is to see everything in psychological terms. In Rotten Apples and Ambivalence, Dimen comments: âthe phenomenon of sexual transgression between analyst and patient ⌠is insufficiently addressed so long as it is only deemed psychologicalâ (2016, p. 361; this volume, p. 29). Dimen made systematically explicit in this paper what she had previously explored in her earlier, partly autobiographical reflections (2011; see also Levin, 2020a), namely, that the phenomena of sexual transgression in psychoanalysis are âalso workings of power and vehicles of culture.â To address them adequately, she argued, one needs to âthink socially,â and to provide not only an âinsiderâ account of the problem (as she had done before, writing as an analyst and as a patient victim of SBV), but also to take a multi-perspectival look âfrom the outside inâ (2016, p. 361; this volume, p. 29).
This line of thinking suggests a number of troubling questions about how we (the profession) have handled the issue so far. In effect, Dimen is asking, was it even true that we took our moral, if not quite our social, responsibility seriously? One reason for this question, she clearly implies, but did not live long enough to fully articulate, is that even in the thought of our collective responsibility, we have tailored our ethics along individualistic, one-person psychology lines that do not in any profound way challenge the basic feeling of non-involvement that we manage to sustain even as we assume this new (and hopefully developing) sense of collective responsibility.
We know from the histories of North and South America, and of modern colonialism generally, which spanned the globe, including Africa, Asia, the âMiddleâ East, and Europe itself, that nations and cultures have been built on foundations of generalized violence. Muriel Dimenâs (2014) reflections on the early institutionalization of psychoanalysis suggest that we can learn a great deal by looking at the development of our profession through a similar historical lens. As Dimen noted, Freudâs announcement of the inception of the IPA, with the justifications he provided for it, simultaneously âdeclares a revolution and forges an orthodoxyâ (Dimen, 2014, p. 499). The idea that psychoanalytic institutions were established by means of a kind of violent schismogenesis1 lies at the root of what she was getting at, I believe, in her important, but neglected concept of the psychoanalytic âprimal crimeâ (Dimen, 2011; see Levin, 2020a, 2020b). The fact that many typical creation myths involve narratives of violent splitting (e.g. the tzintzum in the Lurianic Kabbalah, or the story in Genesis about Adamâs rib) does not derogate from the ethical need for the parties so engendered, in the real world, to keep in mind the likelihood of originary violence at the root of their sense of âidentity.â And why wouldnât we? The answer may be that Freudâs assertion on our behalf of psychoanalysis as a ânew movementâ (1914, p. 42) whose achievement must be enshrined by orthodoxy in the IPA âheadquartersâ (1914, p. 43), conceals yet another, still more âprimalâ violence that we do not wish to remember: the socially transgressive undertones of the psychoanalytic procedure itselfâthe fact that in spite of Freudâs later protestations to the contrary (Freud, 1910), psychoanalysis is inherently âwild.â
As Freud (1912) inferred from the hypothesis of the âprimal hordeâ in his philosophical reconstruction of human cultural origins (Totem and Taboo), there must have been a critical moment after which âsociety was now based on complicity in the common crimeâ (p. 146). Modern cultural anthropology has rightly questioned the validity of Freudâs speculations about human pre-history, but he nonetheless significantly shifted our intellectual ground by suggesting that, whatever the status of violence in the human picture we draw, our authoritarian tendencies can be understood as defensive as opposed to essential or innate. We also learn from Freud that what is most significant over the long term about the moral fact of violence in the process of ânation buildingâ is that the constitutive violence is not only forgotten, its memory suppressed; but also that the violence itself is defensively folded into the culture and ongoing practice of the ânationâ as a whole, and the world: it has no other place to go. Originary violence is lived unconsciously and/or vicariously through attitudes, customs, norms and ideals that are taken at face value, though they refract and institutionalize, in subtle ways, the suppressed history.
Not all of what is refracted in the roots of our various collective identitiesâprofessional, cultural, ethnic, racialâtakes the form of overt social actions in the sense we traditionally define as history and politics. There are areas of human activity that escape our conscious notice. We might describe them more broadly as trans-individual rather than âsocialâ or âsocietalâ in the conventional sense. These liminal and/or unconscious activities have only recently begun to draw the interest of human self-research (psychology, sociology, anthropology, history, evolutionary thought). Try as we might, they resist location on the grids of internal versus external or individual versus social; and they are deeply implicated in our origins and the sense of who we are as psychoanalysts.
Freud not only understood this, he contributed mightily to the development of such a perspective in human cultural evolution, which arguably adds more than his ideas about clinical treatment to the weight of psychoanalysis in our intellectual universe. The implicit analogy of Freud (1912, 1939) recognized that in some way (not necessarily precisely in the forms he speculated), human cultures in general are grounded in sexuality and violence, in the problematics of incest and the dynamics of murder within the group.2 This supra-individual and proto-social aspect of sexuality and violence sets Freudâs anthropological speculations apart from earlier theories about the social contract and the state of nature. For Freud, at least by implication, the ways that humans have come to socially organize sexuality and violence are not merely naturalized events belonging to an evolutionary past or a biological heritageâthey are ongoing elements of cultural evolution in history as it unfolds in our present lives.
To proceed somewhat programmatically, in the interests of space: the sense of our social responsibility for sexual boundary violations has been suppressed within psychoanalysis at a number of levels. In summary, these include at least three interrelated forms of foundational schismogenesis: 1) the founding of psychoanalytic institutions on the basis of patriarchal and authoritarian models of governance and education dating back to Platoâs Republic, which inhibit freedom of thought; 2) the forging of a professional identity with respect to medicine, psychology, and conventional social thought through forms of group consolidation and controlâthe âsubmissive transformation of narcissismâ (Levin, 2021b)âharkening back to the Exodus myth and Mosesâ divine mission to lead the âchosenâ people; 3) asserting the concept of unconscious sexuality as a specific âobject domainâ proper to psychoanalysis alone and its specialized technique; but then absolving itself from the implications of that understanding of sexuality (see Saketopoulou, this volume)âfirst, by claiming professional immunity from it (through specialized theory and technique); and then by subsuming sexuality itself into a larger paradigm of individual emotional development (psychosexual stages, object relations, attachment theory, etc.).
To develop these points a bit further, we might say that Dimenâs work tends toward a redefinition of the concept of sexual boundary violation, a revisioning in which the ambiguous and indeterminate role of sexuality is recognized. As we have already considered, Dimenâs concept of the âprimal crimeâ invites us to revisit the status of sexual boundaries at the historical beginnings of psychoanalysis. What is a sexual boundary, after all? We know that the required intimacy of the analytic relationship was widely considered improper in the early days of psychoanalysis, âa most dangerous method,â as William James opined (on this topic, see especially Kerr [1993]). Consideration of the porousness of the frame at that time suggests to us now that psychic âboundariesâ should really b...