1: Introduction
The aim of this book is to bring together current evidence of the myriad ways in which transport influences childrenâs wellbeing. Many of these influences have previously been hypothesized or argued from a theoretical perspective. As new evidence emerges from empirical research, the nature and direction of the relationship between transport and the various domains of a childâs wellbeing are becoming clearer. However, much remains to be learned, and the breadth of knowledge to be introduced and discussed in this book is a step in that direction.
This book has two key concepts, namely âtransportâ and âwellbeingâ. For the purposes of this book, we limit the definition of transport to the land-based movement of people and goods from one place to another, in order to facilitate participation in various economic, educational, social and recreational activities on a day-to-day basis. Most citizens, adults and children alike, have to make tripsâwith some of these happening on a regular basis (e.g., trips to and from school) and some more occasionally (e.g., trips to/from leisure destinations). In making these trips, people make various modal choices, with the common transport modes including privately-owned automobiles (i.e., cars), public transport/mass transit, bicycle, and walking. Some of these transport modes require light to moderate bodily movement and are hence called âactiveâ transport modes (e.g., walking, cycling, and, to some extent, public transport). Others involve less physical activity and are commonly known as âpassiveâ or âinactiveâ modes of transport (Tudor-Locke, Ainsworth, & Popkin, 2001). In addition, childrenâs travel can occur in the company of adult caregivers (known as escorted trips) or without adult supervision (known as childrenâs independent mobility, or CIM) (Hillman, Adams, & Whitelegg, 1990; Tranter & Whitelegg, 1994).
In comparison with the concepts relating to transport, the definition of wellbeing is somewhat elusive and often poorly conceptualized. The World Health Organization has been defining health as âa state of complete physical, mental, and social wellbeing and not merely the absence of disease or infirmityâ since 1948.a Within this context, the term wellbeing encompasses aspects of health that include, but are not limited to, illness or other physiological deficiencies. In common parlance, wellbeing is often understood as a perception of life-satisfaction or âhappinessâ and more broadly, quality of life. However, some researchers emphasized the need for a more inclusive definition of the concept (Dodge, Daly, Huyton, & Sanders, 2012).
While scholarly efforts to identify a unified definition continue, it is possible to define, and therefore operationalize, wellbeing on the basis of an individualâs positive state in relation to characteristics pertaining to specific domains. Pollard and Lee (2003) defined wellbeing as a multidimensional construct that for children incorporates mental/psychological, physical, social, cognitive (a sub-domain of the psychological domain) and economic dimensions. They furthermore discuss the differences between psychological and cognitive domainsââThe psychological domain includes indicators that pertain to emotions, mental health, or mental illness, while the cognitive domain includes indicators that are considered intellectual or school-related in nature.â (p. 64) Physical wellbeing evaluates physical health, e.g., physical activity, collisions, and asthma. The social domain pertains to sociological phenomena such as social interactions and social capital. Lastly, the economic domain relates to household income, which has been found to relate to certain wellbeing outcomes (but not all, and not always in a linear manner). For the purposes of this book, we define wellbeing as a childâs characteristic positive state with regard to his/her physical, psychological, cognitive, social and economic health.
A recent review demonstrated that consistent research findings globally demonstrate the links between transport and child wellbeing (Waygood, Friman, Olsson, & Taniguchi, 2017). Unfortunately, the predominant approach to transport planning practice in many Western countries, including the planning of transport infrastructure and the land uses facilitating and creating the demand for transport, has focused largely on the needs and transport patterns of able-bodied working-age adults. The impact of such planning decisions on children often remains overlooked in policy (Freeman & Tranter, 2011). For example, the typical approach to determining the level-of-service (LOS) of roadways focuses primarily on space-time convergence (i.e., speed and related time needs) for cars on the roads. This approach almost entirely ignores the safety of vulnerable users; but more importantly, it also ignores the role of streets as public spaces (Jones & Boujenko, 2009). The more recent introduction of the multi-modal LOS approach also puts its focus on adultsâ travel. At the same time, contemporary Western urban development policy and practice often feature low-density development at the urban edges, a lack of mixed land use, and âmagnetâ facilities with larger service areas instead of neighborhood-level amenities (e.g., schools). The result of this can be an urban form where distances between destinations (e.g., between home and school) can be unreasonably large for a child, whereby the perceived level of safety is diminished due to fewer eyes on the street and the lack of pedestrian/cycling infrastructure can encourage automobile-dependency.
The current transport practices of many Western societies limit childrenâs mobility in many ways. Most daily trips made by children relate to local destinations, e.g., schools and local parks, which may be accessed via active modes. However, transport infrastructure or patterns can impact childrenâs travel by creating physical barrier or by elevating parental fear of traffic danger. As children and most adolescents do not drive, their daily mobility in an automobile-dependent urban environment can become excessively dependent on their parents, thus reducing opportunities for physical activity through active travel or play, and at the same time affecting their potential for social interaction. What are the direct and indirect impacts of these transport outcomes on childrenâs physical, psychological, cognitive, social and economic wellbeing? What can be done by policymakers, practitioners and community-organizations to improve transport-related wellbeing? In neighborhoods and societies where the use of active, safe and environmentally-sustainable transport modes is encouraged, do children enjoy better health and wellbeing? In this book, we seek to address these questions.
The book Transport and Childrenâs Wellbeing provides a broad overview useful to both academics and practitioners. To this end, we have brought together distinguished scholars from a variety of fields to provide reviews and evidence of current thinking on the links between transport and childrenâs wellbeing. Research on childrenâs wellbeing integrates several fields, including the environment, traffic and transport psychology; transport planning and engineering; transport geography; health geography; transport economics; consumer services; and environmental sociology. We hope that this book will provide a comprehensive understanding of the different domains of childrenâs wellbeing, explored through these different lenses. In this introductory chapter, we provide a brief background to Transport and Childrenâs Wellbeing and an overview of the chapters, arranged into five different parts: Overview of transport and children's wellbeing (Part I), Transport externalities and children's wellbeing (Part II), Solutions for transport and childrenâs wellbeing (Part III), Examples from different cultures (Part IV), and Future directions (Part V).