1. Introduction
I was introduced to driver behavior research by Ivan Brown, with whom I went to work at the Medical Research Councilās Applied Psychology Unit in 1985. Ivanās knowledge of the field was voluminous, and his proselytizing on behalf of a psychological dimension to road safety was both tireless and remarkably successful in shaping decades of research in the area in the United Kingdom. If Ivan shaped the UK agenda, Talib Rothengatter (d. 2009), with whom I first began to collaborate in 1987 as part of the remarkably foresighted European Union-funded GIDS project (Michon, 1993), gave form and substance to the behavioral aspects of traffic psychology throughout Europe and beyond. Both would have written this overview chapter far better than I can hope to do.
Although I was, and remain, more interested in the cognitive underpinnings of complex skilled activity, road safety was much more central to Ivanās concerns. He was the first person I encountered who invoked the āthree Eāsā mantra of road safety. It is only recently that I found reference to what is, I believe, the original coining of the phrase āeducation, enforcement, engineering.ā According to Damon (1958), Julien H. Harvey, who was then director of the Kansas City Safety Council, gave a presentation in Topeka in 1923 during which he presented a drawing of a triangle with sides labeled āEducation,ā āEnforcement,ā and āEngineering.ā Since then, the three Eās have dominated perspectives on road safety, with occasional forays into the literature by safety experts advocating increasing the number of Eās in road safety. I, too, am going to travel this path in an attempt to overview what I consider some of the most important contributions to the literature in recent years.
2. Education
One of the virtues of the three Eās is the succinct summary they offer of what remain the primary parameters of safety. However, in each case, drawing the remit of each āEā narrowly limits not only the scope but also the extent of the potential to contribute to safety. This is demonstrably so with respect to āeducation.ā
Education has come to mean the transmission of an established body of knowledge and skills to those who lack these. In the road safety context, it has less to do with the developing of individual potential, implicated in wider use of the term āeducation,ā and typically refers to ādriver educationā and āpublic education.ā
Driver education is a term used more widely in North America to cover the preparation of intending drivers for independent driving. It comprises, depending on the jurisdiction, classroom or electronic dissemination of the declarative knowledge base on which driving relies, as well as what is typically referred to as ādriver trainingā (i.e., practical instruction on the operations the driver is required to perform when driving, including the rules that pertain to vehicle operation (Lonero, 2008)). Despite the evident face validity of driver education, the evidence of a direct safety benefit from driver education is scant and equivocal, as a succession of reviews during the past few decades have shown (Brown et al., 1987, Christie, 2001, Ker et al., 2005, Mayhew and Simpson, 2002 and Roberts and Kwan, 2001). Evidence with regard to the effectiveness of the skill and declarative knowledge components of driver education is, to some extent, more compelling. For example, there is very good evidence that the driving performance of drivers improves as they gain behind-the-wheel experience with professional driving instructors or accompanying adults (Groeger, 2000, Groeger and Clegg, 2007 and Hall and West, 1996). However, there is surprisingly little evidence that the classroom or individual education leads to an increase in knowledge about, and attitudes toward, driving. One study showed that those who were pseudo-randomly assigned to classroom or individual CD-ROM- or Internet-supported study performed similarly on a post-course test of driving-related knowledge (Masten & Chapman, 2004). Unfortunately, the study did not include a pre-course assessment of driving knowledge, and thus the comparability of groups before undertaking courses and the relative improvement in knowledge of driving by virtue of course participation are unclear. This suggests that the classroom setting per se does not lead to better outcomes than home study, although the educational value overall is difficult to ascertain. Some studies, which are considered later in relation to exposure, are more encouraging with regard to the contribution of driver education to safety.
Mass media campaigns are also a means by which education might make a contribution to road safety. In discussing their effectiveness, I separate campaigns that seek to change behavior by emphasizing that the unwanted behavior is antisocial, or where there are safety-related consequences of some unwanted behavior, from campaigns that implicate enforcement. Two related meta-analyses of the effects of carefully conducted, substantial, well-controlled media campaigns on alcohol-related accidents (e.g., single-vehicle nighttime crashes) or blood alcohol content levels reveal impressively large reductions in alcohol-involved driving of approximating 13% (Elder et al., 2004 and Tay, 2005a). Although impressive, the fact that no more than approximately a dozen studies, worldwide, over several decades met the rigorous standards for inclusion in these meta-analyses is very revealing of the dearth of peer-reviewed studies that demonstrate convincing reductions on relevant outcome measures.
Differences between the effectiveness of campaigns against speeding or drunk driving (Tay, 2005b) both show the inherent complexity of evaluating public education campaigns and emphasize the very important point that even carefully constructed and targeted campaigns may not be equally effective as a means of reducing all unsafe/illegal behaviors, regardless of what these are. Tayās study also serves to emphasize the importance of message content, in that different types of unsafe/illegal behaviors may not equally support āresponse efficacyā (i.e., provide useful and effective avoidance strategies). The importance of this and other aspects of message content, delivery, pre-testing, as well as audience effects and target offenses, has been more formally investigated in a number of other studies. These experimental studies typically use behavioral intentions, rather than measured change in specified actual behaviors, as outcome measures, but they have allowed investigation of the subtle interplay between the threat implied in campaign messages and consequent fear induced and the likely acceptance or rejection of the message among various groups (Cauberghe et al., 2009, Lewis et al., 2007, Lewis et al., 2008 and Lewis et al., 2010). These and other studies have considerable potential to shape message content and delivery, and they provide a coherent account of how and why messages may have the potential to be effective. However, quantification of the actual safety benefits of these and other variables will be a considerable challenge, just as it has been for driver training.
It would be remiss not to acknowledge a final sense in which education can make a contribution to road safety. Many who are engaged in this area have benefited from, and seek to pass on, the expertise and experience of others. As such, those of us in educational roles have the ultimate responsibility for maintaining a...