NOTES
INTRODUCTION
1An article by Hayek, âExchange Rate Stabilization or Price Stabilization?â is translated and published here for the first time as an Addendum to chapter 1, this volume.
2Hayek on Hayek, Stephen Kresge and Leif Wenar, eds (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, and London: Routledge, 1994), p. 89. Hayek added that this disappointment did not lead to his later opposition to Keynes, as Keynes was then one of his heroes, as he was to many on the Continent because of his criticism of the peace settlement. See John Maynard Keynes, A Tract on Monetary Reform [1923], reprinted as vol. 4 of The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes (Cambridge: Macmillan for the Royal Economic Society, 1971).
3âCapital holds a unique position in one respect: It can move from one region to another only in the form of goods or servicesâ. Bertil Ohlin, Interregional and International Trade (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1933), p. 180.
4So sayeth The Economist, October 7, 1995, âSurvey, the World Economyâ, p. 10. Since the end of the First World War, US policy has consistently placed domestic concerns above exchange rate stability. As the World Economic Conference was informed in 1933, âWe [the US delegation] are interested in American commodity prices. What is to be the value of the dollar in terms of foreign currencies is not and cannot be our immediate concernâ. Quoted in Barry Eichengreen, Golden Fetters, The Gold Standard and the Great Depression, 1919â1939 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 333. As the dollar became the dominant reserve currency for the world, this policy was certain to lead to difficulties.
5On the genesis of the gold standard and David Humeâs contribution to monetary theory see F. A. Hayek, âGenesis of the Gold Standard in Response to English Coinage Policy in the 17th and 18th Centuriesâ, in The Trend of Economic Thinking, W. W. Bartley III and Stephen Kresge, eds, being vol. 3 (1991) of The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, and London: Routledge). See also Barry Eichengreen, Globalizing Capital, A History of the International Monetary System (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 25â26.
6Hume assumed that âmoney is not, properly speaking, one of the subjects of commerce; but only the instrument which men have agreed upon to facilitate the exchange of one commodity for anotherâ. But silver and gold are traded as commodities; the overriding fact of Englandâs trade with the Far East was the drain of silver whence it was largely hoarded. Hume observed this vexing predicament: âThe skill and ingenuity of Europe in general surpasses perhaps that of China, with regard to manual arts and manufactures; yet are we never able to trade thither without great disadvantage. And were it not for the continual recruits, which we receive from America, money would soon sink in Europe and rise in China, till it came nearly to a level in both placesâ. England replaced silver with gold and developed a system of banking and credit that would economize on the use of gold. Later controversies in monetary theory largely stemmed from the uncertain connection of credit to specie and its effect on prices and trade balances. Hayek addressed a number of the implications of this evolving controversy in the essays collected in Good Money, Part II: The Standard. (The first quotation from Hume is the first sentence of his celebrated essay, âOf Moneyâ [1752}; the second is from âOf the Balance of Tradeâ [1752]. See David Hume, Essays, Eugene F. Miller, ed. (Indianapolis, Ind.: LibertyClassics, 1985), p. 281 and p. 313. âEd.]
7F. A. Hayek, âSome Remarks on the Problem of Imputationâ, in Money, Capital, and Fluctuations, Early Essays, ed. Roy McCloughry (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984), pp. 33â34. First published as âBemerkungen zum Zurechnungsproblemâ in JahrbĂŒcher fĂŒr Nationalökonomie und Statistik (Jena, Band 124, Folge III, Band 69, 1926), pp. 1â18. Translated as âSome Remarks on the Problem of Imputationâ, in McCloughry, ed., Money, Capital, and Fluctuations, op. cit., pp. 33â54.
8For a full account of Schumpeter and of his elegant letters of introduction, as well as Hayekâs obituary note on John Bates Clark, see The Fortunes of Liberalism (1992), ed. Peter G. Klein, being vol. 4 of The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek, op. cit.
9Wesley Clair Mitchell (1874â1948), whose Business Cycles (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1913) was considered by many to be the most influential work of its time on economic thinking, was one of the founders of the National Bureau of Economic Research, where in 1920, in addition to teaching at Columbia University, he assumed the position of Director of Research, which he held until 1945.
10Quoted by Mitchell in W. C. Mitchell, âThe Present Status and Future Prospects of Quantitative Economicsâ, Round Table discussion at American Economic Association meeting, December 1927. Reprinted in W. C. Mitchell, The Backward Art of Spending Money (New York and London: McGraw-Hill, 1937), pp. 37â38. Gustav von Schmoller (1838â1917), Professor at the Universities of Halle, Strasbourg, and Berlin, was the leader of the German âyounger historical schoolâ with whom Carl Menger (1840â1921), the founder of the school of Austrian economics, engaged in heated controversy about the methodology of economic theories. Of the German school Hayek wrote, âThrough the study of historical development it hoped to arrive at the laws of development of social wholes, from which, in turn, could be deduced the historical necessities governing each phase of this development. This was the sort of positivist-empiricist approach which was later adopted by American institutionalists (differing from similar more recent efforts only in that it made little use of statistical technique), and which is better described (as by Popper) as historicismâ. F. A. Hayek, The Fortunes of Liberalism, op. cit., p. 78. However, Mitchell, while adopting a positivist-empiricist approach to economics, was not noticeably historicist. His methodological views were influenced by Thorstein Veblen and retained a strong institutionalist bias, but the stronger influence on Mitchell was the pragmatism of John Dewey. The American pragmatists were fallibilists unlikely to accept any theory of historical inevitability.
11W. C. Mitchell, âQuantitative Analysis in Economic Theoryâ, Presidential Address delivered at the Thirty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association, December 29, 1924. Reprinted in Mitchell, The Backward Art of Spending Money, op. cit., pp. 33â36.
12Ibid., p. 202.
13Friedrich von Wieser (1851â1926), who is credited with bringing the term âmarginal utilityâ and the concept of opportunity cost to the Austrian theory of subjective value, was Hayekâs teacher at the University of Vienna. For Hayekâs appreciation of Wieser, see chapter 3 of The Fortunes of Liberalism, op. cit. Mitchell published a sympathetic review of Wieserâs Theorie der Gesellschaftliche Wirtschaft in 1915 (reprinted in The Backward Art of Spending Money, op. cit.) and also wrote a preface, for which Hayek provided some assistance, to the English translation, Social Economics, trans. A. Ford Hinrichs (New York: Greenberg, 1927, and London: Allen & Unwin, 1928).
14Letter from Hayek to Mitchell, June 3, 1926. The original is preserved in the Mitchell collection at the Columbia University Libraries. Hayekâs review of Foster and Catchingsâs Money appears in this volume, chapter 1.
15See Hayekâs later essay, âThe Theory of Complex Phenomenaâ, particularly section 4. In F. A. Hayek, Studies in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 22â42.
16Irving Fisher, assisted by Harry Gunnison Brown, The Purchasing Power of Money (New York: Macmillan, 1911). Fisher extended and refined the proposal in Stabilizing the Dollar (New York: Macmillan, 1920). Hayekâs review of Stabilizing the Dollar appears in chapter 1, this volume.
17See Irving Fisher, The Making of Index Numbers (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1922), pp. 229 ff.
18Mitchell had had a hand in compiling the data which Fisher used to test his formulae, data which for the first time linked prices to quantities. These price changes covered the volatile period of the First World War and were compiled by the Price Section of the War Industries Board. Mitchell continually emphasized the difficulty of obtaining reliable data. See Wesley C. Mitchell, âThe Making and Using of Index Numbersâ, in US Bureau of Labor Statistics, Index Numbers of Wholesale Prices in the United States and Foreign Countries (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1921).
19It is asserted by no less an authority than the chairman of the US Federal Reserve System, Alan Greenspan, that the consumer price index provided by the Bureau of Labor Statistics overstates what Greenspan believes to be the true rate of inflation in the United States. Those who share Greenspanâs view rest their case on changes in âqualityâ: Stain-resistant fabrics added to furniture count as a price reduction if prices remain unchanged. (See the report âStudy Criticizing Consumer Price Index Is Disputed by Labor Statistics Bureauâ, The Wall Street Journal, Dec. 20, 1996, p. A2. On Greenspanâs position and the effect that altering the CPI would have on social security and tax payments see the article âGreenspan Seeks Panel on Cost of Livingâ, The Wall Street Journal, Jan. 31, 1997, p. A2.)
20Milton Friedman, âCommodity Reserve Currencyâ, Essays in Positive Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), p. 214. Hayekâs proposal for a commodity reserve currency may be found in Good Money, Part II.
21Wesley C. Mitchell, ibid., p. 11.
22âIn particular, the proposals of Professor Irving Fisher for a compensated dollar amounted, unless all countries adopted the same plan, to putting into practice a preference for stability of internal price level over stability of external exchangeâ. J. M. Keynes, A Tract on Monetary Reform, op. cit., p. 126. Of course, if all countries did adopt the same plan, it would mean the equivalent of floating exchange rates.
23Fisher, Stabilizing the Dollar, op. cit., p. 129, note 1.
24See chapter 1, this volume, p. 43. The outline for the thesis Hayek began at New York University in 1923 but never completed may be found in the Hayek papers at the Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford University.
25W. C. Mitchell, Business Cycles, The Problem and Its Setting, op. cit., pp. 138â139.
26F. A. Hayek, âThe Future Unit of Valueâ [1981], now reprinted in Good Money, Part II, being vol. 6 of The Collected Works of F.A. Hayek. The statement is not actually in the report but was inferred by some observers, notably J. R. Commons. See chapter 2, this volume, p. 126.
27As Hayek points out, âPerceptive observations about the alternation of periods of prosperity and stagnation had already been made nearly a hundred years ago to proponents of the âcurrency schoolâ, but it was only in the last decade that economists, especially in English-speaking countries, shifted their focus from isolated recession phenomena to these fluctuationsâ. See this volume, chapter 2, page 101.
28Hayekâs review of a contemporary thesis, H. L. Mooreâs Generating Economic Cycles, appears in chapter 1, this volume. Moore was one of the first economists to appreciate the general equilibrium theory of Leon Walras and he set himself the task of producing inductive verification of that theory. Ironically, hi...