ONE
Good Slave Masters Donât Exist: Lovable Racists and the Crisis of Authorship in Twelve Years a Slave
The treatment of enslaved Africans varied. Some slaves reported that their masters treated them kindly. To protect their investment, some slaveholders provided adequate food and clothing for their slaves.
PASSAGE FROM A SEVENTH-GRADE HISTORY BOOK IN TEXAS
Ghostwritten by David Wilson, a white attorney and aspiring novelist, Solomon Northupâs slave narrative, Twelve Years a Slave, abounds with shady white characters, including slavers, who receive disturbingly flattering and even heroic treatment. The most revealing in this regard is Solomonâs description of his first master, William Ford, at the outset of chapter 7; a description which is conspicuously juxtaposed to a heart-wrenching scene at the end of chapter 6 of a slave woman, Eliza, being torn from her daughter during a slave auction. From a writerly perspective, to borrow Toni Morrisonâs coinage, the juxtaposition of these scenes exposes a curious anxiety about painting all white slave owners as complicit in human trafficking, dehumanization, labor exploitation, and religious terrorism. As the reader will recall, Eliza was coerced into concubinage by her former master, now deceased, and, consequently, gave birth to two of his children, a boy and girl. Elizaâs son had just been sold off when this scene occurs. In utter desperation, Eliza pleads with Ford, who has just made an offer for her, to also purchase her daughter. Ford relents and offers to buy her daughter at a âreasonable price.â The auctioneer-owner Theophilus Freeman, whom Solomon describes as a cold-blooded monster of a man, refuses to sell her, noting that her Eurocentric features make her a highly lucrative commodity; the implication being that he can groom and eventually sell her as a high-end concubine to wealthy white men. The chapter ends with a diatribe on Elizaâs agony over her forced separation from her children.
Chapter 7 opens with a rather inexplicable homage to Ford and good slave masters. Indeed the shift in tone and message startles the reader:
In many northern minds, perhaps, the idea of a man holding his brother man in servitude, and the traffic in human flesh, may seem altogether incompatible with their conceptions of a moral or religious life. From descriptions of such men as . . . Freeman, and others hereinafter mentioned, they are led to despise and execrate the whole class of slaveholders, indiscriminately. But I was sometime his slave, and had an opportunity of learning well his character and disposition, and it is but simple justice to him when I say, in my opinion, there never was a more kind, noble, candid, Christian man than William Ford. The influences and associations that had always surrounded him, blinded him to the inherent wrong at the bottom of the system of Slavery. He never doubted the moral right of one man holding another in subjection. Looking through the same medium with his fathers before him, he saw things in the same light. Brought up under other circumstances and other influences, his notions would undoubtedly have been different. Nevertheless, he was a model master, walking uprightly, according to the light of his understanding, and fortunate was the slave who came to his possession. Were all men such as he, Slavery would be deprived of more than half its bitterness.1
Though Ford is no less complicit and accountable than Freeman for participating in the enslavement and dehumanization of blacks, Solomon makes a clear and indeed dramatic distinction between the two men. To wit, Solomon experiences Freeman as inhumane and cruel because he has no conscience about separating mothers from their children or grooming children to be concubines and prostitutes. In contrast, Solomon experiences Ford as kindhearted and fair because Ford has the emotional wherewithal to empathize with Elizaâs suffering as a mother to the point of attempting to purchase her daughter. Of course, in order for us to embrace Solomonâs perspective we have to accept that Ford, a shrewd businessman whose wealth depends largely on slave labor, is oblivious to the market value of Elizaâs biracial daughter. Moreover, we must ignore the fact that Fordâs purchasing of Eliza is what precipitates the separation of mother from child. Granted, the separation of mother and child may ultimately have been inevitable given the circumstances, but Fordâs participation therein was certainly not.
Indicative of many scholars who engage with white supremacist ideology in Twelve Years, Tara T. Green argues that Solomonâs flattering portrait of good slave masters is strategic. Solomon makes sure to separate the sin of slavery from the white sinners in slaveholders because he does not want to alienate his mostly white abolitionist-minded audience. That is, he âavoid[s] placing all white people into the category of the wickedâ because he is acutely aware that even his politically sympathetic white readership has deep investments in white supremacist ideology and seeing whites generally (including slaveholders) as innately well-intentioned and with morals. Green references Frederick Douglassâs 1845 Narrativeâwherein he makes distinctions among whites in terms of their (mis)treatment of slaves2âto identify, contextualize, and defend Solomonâs tactic of appeasing whites. Crucially overlooked in this comparison is the extent to which Douglass interrogated and repudiated the notion of âgood slave mastersâ in the Narrative. He is most insulted by Mr. Auldâs gesture of giving him a small portion of his earned wages back to him. Rather than view such a gesture as laudable (because most slave masters were not willing to compensate the enslaved even a little), Douglass sees it as a wicked and pathological tactic that allowed Mr. Auld to assuage his guilt for enslaving and robbing him. Indeed, Douglass deciphers the apparatus of complicity in oppression upon which the white supremacist system of slavery is premised. Brilliant strategist that he is, Douglass accepts the insufficient bribes, manipulates Mr. Auld into trusting him, and then eventually escapes to freedom.
It is thus deeply problematic, if not shortsighted, to compare Twelve Years to the Narrative because Solomon Northup did not have the authorial control or political agency that Frederick Douglass possessed. While it is certainly plausible that Northupâs flattering portraits of good white slave masters as rendered through his white ghostwriter, David Wilson, was a strategy rather than a true reflection of his feelings toward whites, it is equally, if not more, plausible that the filter of white authorship and editorial privilege altered or even undermined Northupâs interrogation of white supremacist slavery in the text. Even from what little we know about Wilson, there is ample reason to believe that he took great liberties with Solomonâs story. As Solomon Northupâs biographer, Sue Eakin, explains, Wilson was infatuated with the popularity and financial success of Harriet Beecher Stoweâs Uncle Tomâs Cabin. She opines that the uncanny resemblances between characters in both texts reveal Wilsonâs desire to reproduce the global prestige and financial success of Stoweâs Uncle, a text that condemns the practice of slavery even as it reifies the basic tenets of white supremacy. Did Wilsonâs desire to recreate the financial and political success of Uncle prompt him to take liberties with Solomonâs accounts of slavery, especially in regards to the treatment of white supremacy and Christianity? The heightened and violent state of white surveillance during the antebellum era (even among antislavery whites) makes it is difficult to fathom that Solomon was free to interrogate the white supremacist underpinnings of chattel slavery. Even if we conclude Twelve Years accurately reflects Solomonâs perspectives on Ford and âgood masters,â we are still left to ponder to what extent his perspectives were a consequence of blacksâ forced reliance on white sponsorship for authorial legitimacy, social justice, and physical protection. Did Solomonâs feelings of obligation to his white sponsor, Henry Northup, inform how he engaged white supremacy in Twelve Years, including the use of Christianity to manipulate, pacify, and terrorize the enslaved? To what degree did Solomonâs undeniable investment in white supremacyâconscious and unconsciousâobscure his perspective about good slave masters?
Alas, these are questions that will likely remain unanswered because only scant information exists about the lives of Solomon Northup, Henry Northup, and David Wilson. That said, even if we were somehow able to retrieve historical documentation that could settle the question of whether David Wilson took political and creative liberties with Solomon Northupâs story, such knowledge would provide only limited insights into why an abolitionist text would offer such competing notions of white slaveholding culture; why it would sympathize with rather than obliterate the southern romance of lovable slave masters and contented slaves.
Departing sharply from conventional readings of Twelve Years, I will engage Solomonâs flattering rendering of good white slave masters and his curiously stereotypical and, at times, unsympathetic rendering of black women as a problem of white supremacist ideology rather than as a subversive tactic to critique it without alienating white readers. Indeed, this chapter will treat Solomonâs conspicuous blind spots regarding manipulative, paternalistic slavers such as Ford as a result of what I call âlovable-racist thinking.â A lovable racist is a white character who is rendered in such a way that it encourages the reader or viewer to see his/her racism or inhumanity toward blacks or people of color as a minor, if not justifiable, character flaw. In order for lovable racists to escape serious scrutiny as racists, they must be validated in some way morally, ethically, or socially as âgood peopleâ by the very group that they exploit and/or discriminate against. Within this lovable-racist calculus, the validating black/brown character is also elevated to hero status by virtue of his/her ability to see the lovable racistâs redeeming qualities beyond their racist behavior. As readers/viewers we are often seduced into identifying and empathizing with lovable racists because they are typically chief protagonist(s) and thus the most developed and sympathetically rendered character(s) in novels, nonfiction texts, television series, and films. Indeed, it is highly unlikely that anyone would read Mark Twainâs Adventures of Huckleberry Finn and identify more with nigger Jim than with Huck Finn. Or that anyone would watch the film âGran Torinoâ and identify with the gangbanger set, over the gun-toting, xenophobe, and racist Walt Kowalski. The reason for this is that the novel and film render the racialist white characters in such a way as to endear them to usâthough Huck Finn is a sadistic and cruel man-child who delights in torturing Jim, he ultimately winds up appearing caring and humane toward Jim. Walt Kowalski wins our collective hearts with his conventional patriarchal fathering of Hmong teenagers Thao and Sue, which includes sacrificing life and limb to protect them from black and brown gangbangers. This political calculus amplifies the humanity of the white racist characters while erasing, or rendering trivial, the humanity of the raced other(s). In fact, this is done with such great effect in âGran Torinoâ that Walt emerges as a white messiah/Christ figure as well as a lovable racist. Because the film treats the gangbangers as heartless thugs, ignoring not only their humanity but also the white supremacist capitalism that has decimated their community, the viewers cheer when they get their comeuppance and lionize Walt for his messianic self-sacrifice.
The open secret of American history is that until recentlyâsay, the last fifty yearsâblack experiences of white domination have been largely erased or distorted to the point of romance. What this phenomenon has meantâand meansâis that the black creative enterprise, including writing, theater, film, and music, has taken on greater significance in the contemporary moment in terms of correcting this white historical erasure.3 Logistically speaking, the reader should keep in mind that when I refer to Solomon as the author of Twelve Years heretofore, I am doing so with an understanding that Solomonâs experiences are being filtered through the perspective of a white man in David Wilson, who was most likely free to embellish/alter the slave narrative as he saw fit. If, racially speaking, Wilson was like the overwhelming majority of whites of his day (including many abolitionists), then sustaining white supremacy was not incompatible with wanting to end slavery. After all, slavery was economically disadvantageous to working-class whitesâthe bulk of societyâbecause it suppressed the value of white labor. While the cultural capital of dominating blacks ultimately trumped these disadvantages for most southern working-class whites, it was a key bone of contention for many northern whites, meaning that the motivation to abolish slavery for many whites was driven by self-interest and economics, not a desire for racial equality and social justice. If indeed Wilson did take political liberties with Solomonâs story, these sociohistorical phenomena provide possible motives why, as a northern white,4 he would do so. If, alas, the text accurately represents Solomonâs mindset, then it exposes more about the deleterious consequences of internalized white supremacy and white supremacist terrorism on black consciousness than it enlightens us about the racial realities of slavery.
Lovable-Racist Thinking and the Erasure of Black Subjectivity
To, at once, identify the tenacity of lovable-racist thinking (especially in the postâCivil Rights era) and the potential to expose and explode it in the twenty-first century, this chapter will put Twelve Years in critical dialogue with the latest film adaptation, â12 Years A Slave.â5 More pointedly, this chapter argues that â12 Yearsâ operates politically to âcorrectâ the lovable racistsâ (mis)representations of black humanity and white goodwill. To be clear, what is being corrected is not the historical record per se, but rather Solomonâs warped white supremacist/apologist perspective on white culpability, paternalism, and religious practice. Attentive to the serious limitations of Solomonâs racial insights in the slave narrative, the filmâ-12 Yearsâ refocuses on Solomonâs social and ideological conditioning as a black subject in a pathologically white supremacist societyâa move which allows us to see why an otherwise self-actualized man would romanticize white paternalism and become a policing agent therein. What this move also throws radically into focus is that celebrated white paternalists, like Mr. and Mrs. Ford in the slave narrative, are, in fact, willfully blind agents of human atrocities or what I am calling lovable racists. The key corrective intervention here is that refocusing on Solomonâs racial conditioning allows us to see the complexity of black humanity in the ways that Solomon and other blacks cope with and negotiate hyper white surveillance, racial terrorism, and legalized dehumanization. Unlike the slave narrative which privileges Solomonâs perspective and complicity within the lovable-racist calculus, the film includes the critical perspectives of other enslaved blacks and clears a space therein to interrogate the problems of lovable-racist thinking.
That the key voices of interrogation in the film happen to come from black women (who, with few notable exceptions, are cast in the slave narrative as weak and unsophisticated)6 is hardly an accident. Screenwriter John Ridley, in collaboration with director Steve McQueen, takes a decidedly intersectional approach to refocusing the critical gaze as it concerns lovable racists and white supremacist pathology in the slave narrative. That is, Ridley attends to unique intersectional race, gender, and class dynamics of the experience of the enslaved so that we can see that Solomonâs insights about how to negotiate slavery are not necessarily representative or inclusive of all blacks, especially black women. Indeed, the film employs black women to critique white male supremacist pathology in all its various iterations, including how it implicates white women (like Mrs. Ford and Mrs. Epps), and enslaved black men, like Solomon, in the erasure of black womenâs unique status as both victims and agents of rebellion. Concomitantly, Eliza emerges as a key mouthpiece for interrogating Solomonâs romanticized view of Ford as a âgood masterâ and what I call his âdouble consciousness survivalist thinkingâ and symptoms of âbattered slave syndrome.â Invoking W. E. B. Du Boisâs theory, the term double consciousness survivalist thinking reflects a mindset of fear, anxiety, and accommodationism driven largely by hyper white surveillance, terrorism, and group-oriented violence. I use the term battered slave syndrome, which recalls the term âbattered wife syndrome,â to clear a space to think about Solomonâs blindness toward paternalist whites, like the Fords, as symptomatic of his violent physical and psychological conditioning under slavery. Indeed, I want to register how the violent and paternalist relationship between slave and master, which is ostensibly structured upon a white patriarchal model in which the enslaved (across gender lines) are feminized and infantilized, informs Solomonâs investment in white paternalism and, by turns, his unwillingness to escape by himself or with the help of other slaves. A key symptom of battered wife syndrome is the conditioned belief, borne of fear and violent verbal and physical assault, that you cannot escape the abusive relationship; that compromising with your abuser on his terms, and with the misguided belief that things will get better over time, is the best way to manage the relationship. Ridleyâs decision to expose Solomonâs double consciousness survivalist mindset and battered slave syndrome behavior via Eliza (who is represented in the slave narrative as being without agency or political consciousness) is crucial, considering the tendency within black spaces, from slave narratives to current discourses of black struggle, to radically downplay or erase the intersectional complexities of victimization and personal/political agency. It is also through the women characters in the filmânamely Eliza and Patseyâthat white womenâs conspiracy with white men in slavery is thrown brilliantly into focus. This is an important intervention considering that white womenâs agency as co-conspirators in oppression with white men receives relatively little critical attention in discussions of slave culture.
Before delving into how the film operates as a corrective apparatus, it is important to establish how the slave narrative reifies and even polices lovable-racist thinking (including its celebration of Victorian white womanhood and concomitant erasure of black womenâs unique subjectivity as enslaved women) via Solomonâs narration. The most consequential lovable-racist character in the slave narrative is Mr. Ford. Time and again throughout the narrative Solomon intervenes to distinguish Mr. Fordâs brand of slavery from the other white slave owners. Most troubling about this intervention is the extent to which it encourages the reader to view as redemptive the pathological practice of grooming slaves to embrace whitesâ inhumanity and exploitation. What Solomon experiences as humane, if not heroic, treatment from Ford is simply a more sophisticated form of human exploitation premised on grooming emotional complicity rather than terrorizing/beating the enslaved into compliance. Indeed, like a seasoned sexual predator, Ford grooms Solomon and his slaves to see him as set apart morally and religiously from their other predator-slavers because he allows them to read the Bible (which is against the law) and registers their humanity when it is advantageous for him to do so (as when he sides with Solomon over white foreman Adam Taydem regarding building the transporter-raft). Fordâs strategy of using religion to control and manipulate the enslaved recalls Frederick Douglassâs discussion of white men and slave religion in The Narrative. Douglass wails against such masters, going so far as to argue that he preferred atheist masters to religious ones because antebellum Christianity empowered white supremacy and provided white masters with additional emotional capital to justify their domination/exploitation of enslaved Africans. Morrison offers a more pointed critique in Beloved in her characterizati...