1
Herring fishing
As we saw in the introductory section, it has been common knowledge among historians that the United Provinces, particularly Holland, held hegemony in the seventeenth century in both European and global trade. However, how did the English people living in the seventeenth century view the success of the Dutch economy? How did they analyse the situation of England and Holland in the ongoing power shift among the European countries? More specifically, how did the English envy the Dutch and ponder ways to emulate their tough rival? The English pamphlet â or manuscript â writers explored measures to improve their trade and catch up to the Dutch. With the intention to learn from Holland, numerous lists of Dutch advantages were presented in diverse forms by various types of writers. One list or, often, plural lists were provided by one writer. In the mid-century, as we will see in subsequent chapters, the Hartlibian reformers proposed projects chosen from their lists of measures for social improvement. Those Hartlibian lists consisted of ideas that were supposed to improve society and trade.1 All of those ideas found their ideal models in Dutch society. Almost all aspects of a society were on the agenda. Banking and the registration of estates, which I examine in Chapters 3 and 4, were two of the topics discussed ardently by the Hartlibians. The concept of such lists may have come from Francis Baconâs desiderata, the list of wanted knowledge that the human had lost.2 However, throughout the century, merchants and fishers who were neither familiar with academic knowledge nor committed to such Baconian programmes also continued to produce lists of Dutch advantages, and they insisted that the English should imitate some of them. Among these advantages, fishing trade and low interest rates garnered the most concern. The lowness of the interest rates in Holland was, as we will see in Chapter 2, the central issue in the controversy launched in 1668 by Josiah Child. In addition, during the first half of the century, fishery was the issue in which English economic writers were most interested.3 How to make the English fishing trade thrive was a topic discussed by many writers in their pamphlets and manuscripts. In this chapter, I focus on this discussion.
Craig Muldrew in his 2011 book revealed that early modern English people consumed an unexpectedly large amount of meat, and such consumption drove the industriousness of the labourers. However, Muldrew only briefly touches on fish as the food of labourers, remarking that fish was âmostly absent from any diet or sources mentioning labourersâ foodâ.4 Nevertheless, even if true, as far as was perceived from the literature at the time, fishing-related businesses were among the favourite topics for economic writers of seventeenth-century England.5 They all insisted that fishery was the key trade that would not only resolve the difficulties that they were currently facing, such as the poorâs idleness and national security, but also develop the essential engine to improve English trade as a whole. Therefore, fishing was the issue that was most deeply committed to the English economyâs future and should be discussed.
It was a consciously successive debate. The participants in those discussions were usually aware of their forerunning printed and handwritten literature on which their discourses were based, and they consulted them indeed. The bibliographies were often offered, and the origins of the information were clarified, even though they were not necessarily always correct and were sometimes plagiarised. For example, a pamphlet written at the end of the century â that is, during the closing stage of the debate â provides a comprehensive list of books written on fishery, including Tobias Gentlemanâs Englands way to win wealth (1614); E. S.âs Britaines busse (1615); Sir Walter Raleighâs Observations, touching trade & commerce with the Hollander, and other nations (1618) (the true author is John Keymer); Gerard Malynesâs Lex mercatoria, chapter 47 âThe fishing tradeâ (1636 [1622]); John Smithâs The trade & fishing of Great-Britain displayed (1661); The royal trade of fishing (1662); John Keymorâs [i.e., Keymerâs] Observation made upon the Dutch fishing about the year 1601 (1664); The royal fishing revived (1670); Sir Roger LâEstrangeâs A discourse of the fishery (1674); and John Collinsâs Salt and fishery (1682).6 However, other, numberless pieces, including manuscripts, were not on this list. All of the listed pamphlets and writings referred to the sources of information that they gathered from previous generations.
In this chapter, I trace these works on the fishing business written over the course of a century. My interest is in the exchange and succession of the ideas concerning the economy in early modern England, which appears in the century-long series of discourses. I attempt to reveal how English writers in the seventeenth century saw their trade situation when faced with the height of Hollandâs prosperity. They all shared the understanding that the reason for the success of Dutch trade was fishing, particularly herring. They also presented a detailed analysis of the Dutch economy and society. In the first half of the century, their major concerns tended to centre more on technical matters than on social and economic matters. However, by the mid-century, the pamphleteers came to share a fixed set of the features to be learned from the Dutch model, such as the foreign exchange market, high product quality, the management of trade, low customs, encouraging inventions, low interest rates, banking, gavelkind and the estate registration system. Regarding the Navigation Act of 1651, although some were for and some were against, both sides shared the same images of Holland. Those lists were almost the same as the one that Josiah Child presented at the starting point of the controversy over interest rates, which launched shortly after the second Anglo-Dutch war ended. Furthermore, starting in around 1670, the styles of discussions, typically that of Coke, changed and became more analytical and systematic. Next, I describe how that long discussion began.
1. Navy or fishery
Although fishery had been a national concern in the Low Countries since the twelfth century,7 not until the seventeenth century did England see the same business appear as âa nursery for English seafarers and even a hallmark for the national identityâ.8 During the reign of Elizabeth I, fishing and shipping were on the agenda as far as they were considered issues of the âmaintenance of the navy and the protection of national honor in international competitionâ.9 William Cecilâs attempt to introduce âpolitical Lentâ, which intended to increase fish days, was part of that policy, although it eventually failed.10 The Habsburg Netherlands had already struggled for naval supremacy in the North Sea to defend its herring fleet,11 and the Elizabethan government was certainly conscious of such an international competition in the fishing industry. However, only in the ending decades of the sixteenth century were the Dutch âranked among Englandâs foremost rivals in the European fisheriesâ,12 and this topic was brought to the place of open discussions on paper.
According to an eighteenth-century historian, John William De Caux, herring fishing in England started along the Eastern Coast, and â[t]he history of the herring fishery is interwoven inextricably with the history of Great Yarmouthâ. The prosperity of Great Yarmouth from the time of Edward the Confessor, whose reign started in 1041, derived from its herring fishery and Free Fair. In particular, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the neighbour countriesâ protectionist policy of herring fishing increased the importance of the Free Fair of Great Yarmouth, where fishers and merchants gathered from all parts of England and the Continent to sell and buy fish. However, following the âtruly marvellousâ progress of Dutch fishing during the ending decades of the sixteenth century, which resulted from their newly invented method of curing herring, herring fishery off the East Coast of England and the Free Fair at Great Yarmouth ârapidly declinedâ in the seventeenth century. In addition, in the seventeenth century, the protection policy of the Stuart government and the regulation policy of the corporation âwell nigh ruined the herring fairâ of Great Yarmouth.13
Throughout the 1570s, fishing was just an issue that accompanied the discussions of the navy or, sometimes, was only a tiny part of imperial discussions. In 1570, John Montgomery wrote the manuscript âA treatice concerning the mayntenance of the nauieâ and dedicated it to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leceister, who it was said might have married Queen Elizabeth and, even if not realised, remained her favourite until his death in 1588.14 Montgomery insisted that because England was environed by the sea and had good ports that should be defended, it needed its âwell appointed navieâ.15 He recalled that the kings who well prepared their navy, such as Edgar and Richard II, evaded the invasion of the Danes and the French, respectively.16 The navy needed ships and mariners. Mariners were provided by fishing. Montgomeryâs description of the fishing business both anticipated future narratives and represented his time. Fishing was beneficial to the countryâs economy and defence; or in his words, âwe might not onely by meyntenance of fishinge encrease our maryners but also make the said Townes welthie and stronge of men and further proffit ye [w]holle common weltheâ.17 Here the Dutch management of their fishery had already been considered a model that the English should follow:
The dutchemen or ffleminge maye be to vs an example herein whose paynfull and dilligent exercises in that occupation of ffishinge dothe excel and condemne vs for or necligence [sic] for they going to the seas withe theire Boates, Busses and suche like vessells, sildome [sic] leave of[f] fishing till they haue gotten plenty whiche being caryed home or to some othar place whether they maye goe most spedely the sell parte while it is ffreshe and newe the residue they salte & pack vpp to be soulde at leisure eyther in theire owne country or ells in othar landes when they thinke to finde the best market by which there soe doing they obteyne the commoditie aforenamed that we sett shippe and lose.18
However, when the European power balance was in the middle of shifting, Spain could not miss Montgomeryâs concern. Noting that Spaniards come once or twice a year to the Irish seas to fish and âthey take greate store and cary it homeâ, he demanded to know why the English, who live closer to Ireland than did the Spaniards, did not do the same. Montgomery himself replied, âI cannot but prayse the Spaniardes for theire dilligence and disprayse our selues for our necligence wch as it is worthie disprayse and repro[a]châ.19 Just as the Dutch industri...