African Language Media

Development, Economics and Management

Abiodun Salawu

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2020
• ISBN:
  9781000224016
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Media Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

This edited volume considers why the African language press is unstable and what can be done to develop quality African language journalism into a sustainable business.

Providing an overview of the African language journalism landscape, this book examines the challenges of operating sustainable African language media businesses. The chapters explore the political economy and management of African language media and consider case studies of the successes and failures of African language newspapers, as well as the challenges of developing quality journalism.

Covering print and digital newspapers and broadcast journalism, this book will be of interest to scholars of media and journalism in Africa.

Part I

Political economy of African language media

1The political economy of indigenous language media in Nigeria and the challenge of survival in the Digital Age

Toyosi Olugbenga Samson Owolabi

Introduction

The politics of language and power are somehow controversial and, in most cases, are volatile, especially in most African countries. This explains why there have been battles for supremacy among ethnic groups, languages and culture as to which is superior and which is inferior in multi-ethnic and multilingual settings. Since the advent of colonial government in Nigeria, for example, three languages – Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo – have been involved in the struggle, having gained prominence over other languages. The consistent government patronage the three languages have enjoyed not only placed them at an advantage but also guaranteed the standardisation of their orthography and their status as functional languages of education and instruction in schools, and languages of communication in politics, economics and the media. It is noteworthy that, in 1859, the pioneer newspaper in Nigeria, Iwe irohin (the newspaper for the Egbas and the Yorubas and founded by Reverend Henry Townsend) was first published in Yoruba and later in English. Later, other indigenous titles followed. It is, however, shocking that the history of indigenous languages and the related press has been characterised by a high mortality rate, largely due to little awareness and patronage, as well as what Salawu (2017) refers to as the onslaught of globalization, which has rendered many languages across the world unpopular.

Although, it came much later, the history of private ownership of electronic media followed a similar pattern. In 1936, the colonial government in Lagos started the radio distribution service (re-diffusion) to relay programs from Daventry to Nigeria. Subsequently, in 1951, the Nigeria Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) was established by the national government with headquarters in Lagos and three regional stations in the three regions into which the nation was divided (Kalejaye, Atofojomo, and Odunlami 2006). The need to break the monopoly of the national government’s use of television and radio broadcasting prompted the western regional government to establish its stations (Western Nigeria Broadcasting Corporation) in 1959 and 1960, respectively.

Between 1960 and the late 1970s, each of the nineteen states in Nigeria had its own radio and television stations. By 1993, licenses were also issued to private individuals to own and operate private radio and television stations and this singular event marked the end of the government’s monopoly of the broadcast media. As of today, there are 265 radio stations and 149 television stations in Nigeria (Nwulu et al. 2010). Out of this, there are thirty-two licensed radio stations in South-West Nigeria; federal and state governments own nine stations each, while fourteen stations are privately owned. It is only Radio Lagos 107.5 FM (Tiwan-n-tiwa) that broadcasts all its programmes in indigenous languages. Others broadcast in only English or English with a little content in the local language (Oyero 2010). This is why there has been apprehension concerning the survival of over 400 Nigerian indigenous languages due to foreign language dominance, especially English (Ajepe and Ademowo 2016). There is also the probable tragedy of more Nigerian youths losing their mother tongue (Sunday et al. 2018). This, according to Ohiri-Aniche (2014), is being fuelled by parents’ disinterestedness in communicating with their children in the native languages.

It was Onukaogu (2002, 13) who gave the graphic picture of the degree of apathy towards indigenous language learning among Nigerian youths when he disclosed that nobody has studied Efik (a language in the southern part of Nigeria) in the senior secondary schools in the past fourteen years. Similarly, it was discovered that, while all the students (123,300) that sat for the Senior Secondary School Examination in May/June 2018 in the southwest of Nigeria registered for English, only 1,560 students (0.8%) enrolled for Yoruba.

The same affliction of indigenous languages has also affected the indigenous language media. It is not an exaggeration to say that the media industry, especially the indigenous languages in various parts of the world, has distinguished itself in its unique role of shaping and transforming society by inducing socio-political and economic changes. For instance, Iwe Irohin was reported to have stimulated political awakening among the native Egbas and the Yorubas of South-West, Nigeria. Similarly, there is Isolezwe, a prominent indigenous language newspaper among the Zulus in South Africa. It has become a household name among its readers for its role in creating an identity for the Zulu community. Isolezwe is reported to have lured readers away from English language media (Salawu 2019, 89), thus creating cultural distinctiveness while also engendering political assertiveness in relation to power and resource allocation for the isiZulu people.

Increasingly, more Nigerians who are supposed to be reading the indigenous language newspapers and listening to indigenous language radio and television broadcasts tend to abandon indigenous language media for English. Despite a series of attempts to change the drift and to encourage patronage through price reductions of indigenous publications, there appears to be no significant improvement. For example, while the English daily newspapers are sold for N250, indigenous language papers carry a N100 cover price. The more (Western) education a person acquires, the less competence they are likely to have in indigenous languages and, of course, the more their interest in local language and culture diminishes. Evidence abounds that, of the twenty-seven indigenous newspapers established between 1859 and1960, a period of 101 years, only Irohin Yoruba and Gaskiya Tafi Kwabo existed after Nigeria’s independence (Omu 1978; Duyile 1989; Salawu 2006). From 1960 to the present, a period of 59 years, forty-three indigenous language newspapers were established, but only Iroyin Yoruba, Alaroye, Akede Agbaye, Ajoro, Kayemo, Akede Afirika and Al-Mizan still circulate today (Owolabi 2014; Sunday et al. 2018). The competing influence of the digital revolution and the harsh reality of the distressed economy vividly illustrated by the high cost of production, soaring debt, downsizing, retrenchment, declining advertising revenue and steady cutbacks in circulation rates, among others, have equally signalled a gloomy future for the industry.

It is against this backdrop that this chapter examines the interface of political and economic elements and their effects on indigenous language media performance and sustainability. Also of concern is our understanding of the relationships of the state, the open market and the digital revolution, and how their collaboration has affected the development of the indigenous language press. Finally, the chapter presents feasible strategies for indigenous language media to cope in the present environment of economic and political uncertainty.

Language, ethnicity and power struggle in Nigeria

The capacity to exchange knowledge, ideas, beliefs, opinions and feelings through the use of language is exclusively human. Language is not only a tool for interpersonal communication but also useful in mass mediated messages. This, perhaps, is the basis of the definition of language as a system of communication that consists of a set of sounds and written symbols used by the people of a particular country or region for talking or writing (Collins English Dictionary n.d.).

Nigeria is a multi-ethnic state with about 400 languages and 5,000 dialects (Omu 2008). These languages can be classified into three groups, according to Oso (2006, 177):

1.three dominant ethnic groups: Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo;

2.the regional or state languages: Edo, Efik, Ibiobio, Fulfude, Igala, Ijaw, Kanuri, Nupe, Tiv, Urhobo and Itshekiri; and

3.languages used by relatively fewer people in small districts, divisions or local government areas within some states – Egun and Awori in Lagos State, Ebira in Kogi State, Etsako, Ishan, Isoko, Owan and Akoko-Edo in the present day Edo State, and Bariba in Kwara State, among others.

Of the three categories, the languages in the first group came into prominence during the colonial period and were visible in the areas of politics, education and the economy. Apart from functioning as instruments of preserving ethnic identity and culture of the three largest ethnic groups in Nigeria, they also command more speakers than others. Besides, they have standardised orthography as well as several books written on them. There are also some public and privately sponsored research institutions working on each language’s development. Oso (2006) notes that, apart from enjoying better treatment in both prints and electronic media, the three languages are equally accorded national recognition by each succeeding government and the private sector within the political and economic spheres.

While contributing to indigenous language discourse, ethnicity and power struggles in a multi-ethnic society, Kivikuru (2004) notes that ‘changes in language and language use have always reflected changes in power structure’ (100). It is therefore not surprising to see the three ethnic groups occupying the centre stage of politics and the economy. This may also be the reason why the intense rivalry amongst them coloured the direction of political and constitutional development in Nigeria. It is noteworthy, however, that despite Nigeria’s plural-ethnic configuration and the popularity of the three major languages, English still remains the official language of power and influence. This is because there is no consensus among the various ethnic groups that constitute Nigeria as to which of the three dominant languages should be promoted to the status of a national language.

The languages in the second and third groups are referred to as minorities. Most are used either in state or local government as channels of communication and for cultural transmission and identification. It is therefore not surprising to note that if any attention at all is paid to the minority languages, it is perhaps at the local level and, on rare occasions, at the state level. This also explains why most minority languages are neither popular outside the local communities nor command considerable numbers of users. Moreover, they are not used as languages of education in schools or languages of communication in the media.

It is important to note that there is a strong relationship between language and ethnicity, though the latter is broader in scope. The concept of ethnicity, according to Omu (2008), ‘applies to the consciousness of belonging to, identifying with and being loyal to a social group distinguished by shared cultural traditions, a common language, in-group sentiment and self-identity’ (88–89). In Nigeria, before the advent of the colonial government, the over 400 ethnic groups cohabited harmoniously without any sense of superiority of one over the other. Ethnicity started to acquire fanatical and hostile connotations when the fear of domination and superiority fostered by socio-political and economic elements crept into the association. It is against this backdrop that Omu (2008) notes that political and economic rivalries engineered by the colonial government were the factors that fuelled ethnic consciousness in Nigeria. According to Ahanotu (1982), the political and economic marginalisation created by the uneven distribution of democratic privileges were instrumental to ethnic agitation and anxiety. It was to create platforms for joint action against local and international uncertainties that ethnic union began to spring up in different parts of Nigeria. In 1918, no fewer than 25 ethnic-based unions were already established with the following objectives (Noah 1988, cited by Omu 2008):

•to foster humanitarianism, cooperation, unity and goodwill among the people;

•to encourage elementary and higher education and learning and to plan improved educational facilities;

•to promote the study of indigenous languages, culture and history of the people; and

•to endeavour to preserve and reform wherever necessary the national culture, institutions, traditions, laws and customs of the people.

(92–93)

It was from that moment that ethnic encroachment began to contaminate the spirit of nationalism and undermine the unity and cohesion that once characterised the relationship among the six geopolitical zones of the nation.

Going by the above clarifications, the connection between the use of language and power with regards to ethnic relations is evident when we reflect on the influence and spread of the English language around the world (Oso 2006). This goes to show that, for any nation to play an active role in globalisation politics and the economy, it must understand the language of interaction, which includes English, French, German, Russia and Chinese among the leading international languages.

Nigerian political economy of the media: an overview

To fully appreciate the concept of political economy, it is necessary to first have a proper clarification of the concept of ‘economics’. According to the Department of Economics (n.d.) at the University of Buffalo, ‘economics is the study of scarcity and its implications for the use of resources, production of goods and services, growth of production and welfare over time, and a great variety of other complex issues of vital concern to society’ (as cited in Business News Daily 2012). The central thrust of economics, then, is to provide a rational way of looking at issues, drawing upon history, philosophy and mathematics with the purpose of solving problems that range from how individuals or businesses can make sound financial decisions to combatting poverty, shrinking unemployment, reducing inflation, preventing environmental decay and a great variety of other complex issues of vital concern to society.

If economics is the study of the optimal use of scarce resources, political economy is concerned with how political decisions affect economic choices with the intent of increasing riches and power in a society. Specifically, it is the connections between political and economic factors, or an interface of the state and the open market and how the collaboration engenders understanding of media development in any society.

Globally, political economy of the media has gained popularity among media and communication scholars. This explains why many research efforts have been channelled towards mass communication and media as commodities that are produced and distributed by profit-seeking enterprises operating in a capitalist market. It is important to note that the media in modern society have become a large business empire with certain expectations. It is against this background that Popoola (2019) notes that the study of the political economy of the media is important because the media must, first and foremost, be seen as sustained industrial and commercial organisations with a focus on production and distribution of commodities for profit. One can infer from this that the political and economic principles operating in a society impinge on mass communication and mass media structures, convention and performance. This is also in line with the basic assumptions of the normative theories that seek to locate the media arrangement and operation within the environment in which it operates (Hallin and Mancini 2004). How the media are best able to successfully operate within the political system in spite of legal and economic constraints...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Information
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of Figures
• List of Tables
• List of Contributors
• Introduction: Towards the development and sustainability of African language media
• Part I Political economy of African language media
• Part II Mixed bag: Failures and successes of African language newspapers
• Part III Management and sustainability of African language media
• Part IV Towards quality: African language journalism development
• Part V Focus on the broadcast media
• Part VI Borrowing a leaf
• Index